Wednesday, February 26, 2020

Azubuike Leading No. 1 Kansas Back On Top Of College Hoops

Kansas center Udoka Azubuike, left, comes up with the ball after a dive on the floor with Oklahoma forward Brady Manek, right, during the first half of an NCAA college basketball game in Lawrence, Kan., Saturday, Feb. 15, 2020. (AP Photo/Orlin Wagner)


BY DAVE SKERETTA

LAWRENCE, KANSAS (AP)
– Oklahoma State coach Mike Boynton had just finished watching Udoka Azubuike bully his way to 19 points and 16 rebounds against his over-matched Cowboys when he pulled the 7-footer aside and pointed to the rafters in Allen Fieldhouse.

“Keep it up,” Boynton whispered into the ear of the Kansas center, “and your name will be up there, too.”

There are certain requirements for a player to have his jersey raised above the south seats in the old field house, among them becoming an All-American or winning the Big 12’s player of the year award. It’s not an honor that the Jayhawks bestow on just anyone.

The way Azubuike has been playing lately, it won’t be long before his No. 35 joins the jerseys of the great Wilt Chamberlain, Clyde Lovellette, Jo Jo White and Danny Manning hanging from the ceiling.

“I don’t watch a whole lot of national basketball,” Boynton said later, “but I’d be hard-pressed to find a better national player of the year candidate than he is. The way he’s playing now is pretty special. Obviously there’s a special kind of fan base here and they appreciate it, but I don’t know if people appreciate him nationally.”

Azubuike has certainly opened some eyes over the last month.

His run began with 17 points and 12 rebounds against Texas, then continued with 20 points and 15 boards at TCU. Azubuike had another double-double against Oklahoma, then had 23 points and 19 rebounds last Saturday as the Jayhawks (25-3, 13-1) beat then-No. 1 Baylor on the road to regain the top spot in the nation and forge a tie atop the Big 12 standings.

Along the way, Azubuike reached the 1,000-point mark for his career – a nice benchmark considering he missed much of his first couple seasons to injury. His total of 35 rebounds in the past two games are the most since Thomas Robinson had that many during the 2011-12 season, and his 42 points and 35 rebounds allowed him to join Robinson, Dedric Lawson, Wayne Simien and Drew Gooden as the only players with at 40 or more points and 30 or more rebounds in a two-game span.

Azubuike has also been able to steer clear of foul trouble. His conditioning has improved to the point that he can easily play more than 30 minutes per game. And his defense has been unparalleled, almost single-handedly shutting down the entire paint.

“We’ve been trying to tell Doke all along he can dominate a game without getting a lot of touches. If that’s the case, he’s quickly becoming as good a center or the best defensive center since I’ve been here, and we’ve had some good ones,” Kansas coach Bill Self said. “I think people have begun to recognize him for what he brings to the table.”

Azubuike has come a long ways since his childhood in Delta, Nigeria. He was an exceedingly raw prospect coming out of high school, and his only offensive move early on was a dunk. But his game has improved over time to where he is a more well-rounded player – even his chronically poor foul shooting has reached an acceptable level.

Still, the question remains: Will the bruising big man’s game translate to the NBA?

Most mock drafts have the senior center going in the second round, if at all, primarily because teams are wary of drafting a prototypical center the way the game has evolved. And whereas Azubuike can dunk his way to big numbers in college, those easy looks at the rim will be much harder to find in the pros, and his mid-range game remains a work in progress.

“If he plays to his athletic ability that’s how he’ll get paid,” Self said. “He’ll never get paid by shooting 15-foot fadeaways or whatever it is. That’s not who he is. So, can he guard a ball screen? Can he get to the rim? Can he defend outside his area? If he can do those things he has a chance to make it.”

Most of the names hanging from the rafters in Allen Fieldhouse didn’t just put up big numbers or earn a long list of individual accolades. That’s not how the truly great ones get remembered at Kansas. They also took their team deep into the NCAA Tournament, and the best of them ushered the Jayhawks to the Final Four and beyond.

Azubuike has been there once, helping Kansas to the national semifinals as a sophomore. Taking his team back to the final weekend of the season would almost certainly cement his legacy among the best to play for the Jayhawks.

“If you look at Doke over the last recent games, you could make a case for it,” Self said. “Hopefully he’ll continue on this uptick and keep building on it, and if we win he’ll get some mention for player of the year. I’d like all our guys to be in the game for all the postseason accolades, but we still need to win games to think about any of that.”

Tuesday, February 25, 2020

Achebe's Things Fall Apart Evenly Explores The Barbarism And Culture Of Colonial Nigeria



Author Chinua Achebe held opposing realities in his hands and, setting personal interest aside, gave fictional life to a reality that emerged from a deplorable situation.


The novel “Things Fall Apart” by Nigerian author Chinua Achebe is a 20th-century classic for many reasons, including that it is an exceedingly even-handed account of the cultural clash between the African inhabitants of Nigeria and the English who descended on them in the late 19th century.

Achebe is credited with firmly placing African literature on the map with the publication of this novel in 1958 to great acclaim. Although he often demurred at that particular distinction, “Things Fall Apart” unarguably launched his highly successful career as both a writer and professor of literature in Africa and the United States.

The heavy praise this novel has since received is thoroughly justified. The story is gripping from beginning to end, it is masterfully structured, and the writing is executed with a poet’s ear for combining music and meaning. This essay is yet another homage to this work, motivated particularly by my admiration for the even-handedness referenced above, for “Things Fall Apart” is assuredly the most intellectually balanced work of literary fiction I’ve ever read.
Achebe Offers a Generous Perspective

Why is this worth pointing out in a forum devoted mainly to political analysis? These days, our political discourse is glutted with opinions formed in the heat of emotion and clung to with a hardened death-grip. When do we ever encounter a balanced perspective on anything, let alone matters of great import?

In a time of more rigorous standards, the claim to intellectual integrity would be predicated on a person having delved deeply into a subject, thoroughly examining it before arriving at a conclusion. Achebe’s novel, despite exploring one of humanity’s most despicable predilections — the colonization of foreign territories and their inhabitants — stands in sharp contrast to the emotion-driven, uncritical haste of our day.

This poignant tale about a great Igbo warrior depicts the gradual encroachment of Christianity and English law into an Igbo village in Nigeria. The novel’s perspective is so generous that both the merits and shortcomings of each culture receive equal consideration before the inevitable tragic end.

Both worlds contain objectionable evils; both worlds offer a deeply humane vision of life. In Igbo culture, for instance, whenever a woman was unfortunate enough to give birth to twins, which was considered an unnatural abomination, the newborns would be placed in clay pots and thrown away in the forest. Or a young man’s life might be deemed forfeit simply because the gods of his community commanded it.

At the same time, Igbo social structure was so tightly knit that, throughout the novel, a deep and abiding sense of community is palpable. Achebe’s fierce protagonist is a man whose strivings are universal — providing for his family, protecting his village against threats, respecting the traditions of his elders — responsibilities he views as fundamental duties and which, in the course of carrying them out, establish him as an eminently sympathetic character.

The English missionaries, on the other hand, are shown to have brought an alien religion completely at odds with that of the Igbo, one that mercifully forbade such practices as the abandonment of babies and random death sentences by the gods. They introduced an enticing form of commerce that enriched the villagers beyond anything they’d previously experienced, not only providing more money but making a wider variety of foods available to more people.

At the same time, Achebe presents quite dramatically the rough justice administered by the English system of jurisprudence. It brooked no dispute and ultimately destroyed the traditional authority of the village elders, ending forever the native community’s independence and self-governance, not to mention much of Igbo culture.

A Glimpse at Human Conflict, Internal and External
What may have inspired Achebe to represent these extremes of the colonial fact so fairly was that his parents, born into a traditional Igbo tribe, had revolted against their kin and converted to Christianity. Perhaps the balanced view he achieves stems from a desire to explore what motivated his parents to arrive at that choice at the expense of their culture. The result is a narrative that honestly depicts these warring values between the colonized and the colonizer as character conflicts, both external and internal.

That last point is so compelling. Antagonism between a colonized people and their colonizer is tragic but obvious. Less obvious and perhaps even more tragic is the same conflict played out within individuals on either side of the colonial drama. In this novel, it is within the mind and heart of the protagonist’s son Nwoye that doubts begin to stir about aspects of his culture. Those doubts ultimately flourish to the point that, to the horror of his father, the great warrior Okonkwo, Nwoye joins the English missionaries.

Achebe is careful to present this change as a form of self-affirmation rather than a mere rejection of parental or cultural authority. It is triggered by one of the novel’s most dramatic incidents.

A youth, brought into the village a few years previously as another clan’s payment for murder, is sent to live in the warrior’s household until the village decides what to do with him. After three years, the village oracle determines the young man must be put to death, and Okonkwo adheres to its wishes, albeit reluctantly.

When Nwoye realizes that the young man who has become a brother to him has been slain, and by his father no less, the emotion this realization engenders — “something seemed to give way inside him, like the snapping of a tightened bow” — catapults him into the memory of another time he experienced it.

He had had the same kind of feeling not long ago, during the last harvest season. … They were returning home … when they heard the voice of an infant crying in the thick forest. … Nwoye had heard that twins were put in earthenware pots and thrown away in the forest, but he had never yet come across them. … Then something had given way inside him. It descended on him again, this feeling, when his father walked in, that night after killing Ikemefuna.

This frank depiction of barbarism introduces a sharp wedge in our sympathies for this African village, sympathies to which the novel has carefully led us. But of significance here is that the narrative informs us of Ikemefuna’s callous murder and the practice of discarding babies, both within the context of Nwoye’s reaction.

Achebe Displays the Complexity of Human Nature

Why is that significant? It is his emotional reaction that introduces the wedge in the first place, and it has been introduced from within his world, rather than from values imposed without from the British colonizers. They would have considered these events barbaric, but the narrative shows us that at an inchoate, gut level, Nwoye, a child of the Igbo culture, does too.

This view is reinforced by how the arrival of the missionaries affects Nwoye:

Then the missionaries burst into song. It was one of those gay and rollicking tunes of evangelism which had the power of plucking at silent and dusty chords in the heart of an Igbo man. … It was the poetry of the new religion, something felt in the marrow. The hymn … seemed to answer a vague and persistent question that haunted his young soul — the question of the twins crying in the bush and the question of Ikemefuna who was killed. He felt a relief within as the hymn poured into his parched soul. The words of the hymn were like the drops of frozen rain melting on the dry palate of the panting earth.

This passage is remarkable for more than its lyricism. For a person who had come of age at the height of Nigeria’s experience of colonialism and who would have seen firsthand the psychological and cultural depredations of the English, it is almost bewilderingly generous.

Achebe held opposing realities in his hands and, setting personal interest aside, gave fictional life to a reality that emerged from that deplorable situation: His character’s discomfited reaction to these death sentences — always referred to in the novel as “questions” — is succored by the Christian hymn.

The novel puts forward the bitterly ironic possibility that these life-affirming values, latent in the African sensibility and brought to the continent by force, required Christianity to become fully realized. Given the author’s historical standpoint, giving voice to that possibility is the ultimate example of intellectual integrity.


Jocelynn Cordes has written two award-winning books under the pseudonym Plum McCauley, a middle-grade mystery/treasure hunt and an adult mythological fantasy. Under her own name she writes short fiction, op-eds for her local paper and essays for various webzines.

Igbo Governors Get 90 Days To Establish Regional Security


OWERRI (VANGUARD)
--The Igbo National Council, INC, on Tuesday, handed down a 90-day ultimatum to the governors of the five states of the South-East zone, to establish a regional security outfit just like the Northern and South-West regions did.

The warning came from the statement issued in Owerri, by the INC, National President, Chilos Godsent, alongside other executives after their meeting.

According to them, failure to do so that their people would be encouraged to protect themselves from the killings by suspected armed herdsmen said to have camped themselves in the forest of the zone. 

He said: “We wish to inform the people of the Igbo Race that the proposed community policing by the IGP is meant to officially aid the framework for intelligence gathering and invasion of Igbo communities by the Jihadist. 

 “On the foregoing, the Igbo National Council (INC) request the Governors of the South-East, South-South and North-Central geopolitical zones respectively as a matter of urgent necessity to establish and officially inaugurate their regional security outfits like the South-West (AMOTEKUN) and North-West (SEGE KA FASA) within ninety days from 29th February 2020 as a sign of patriotism and commitment to the security and welfare of their citizens. 

“We note that failure for the Governors of the aforementioned geopolitical zones to adhere to this call, the Self-Determination groups in those geopolitical zones may be compelled to take their destiny into their own hands in other to protect their citizens from the rampaging Fulani Jihadist.

“The meeting supports in its totality the call by the National Assembly (NASS) of the Federal Republic of Nigeria urging President Mohammadu Buhari to sack all the Service Chiefs with immediate effect. 

“The reality on the ground has clearly shown that the present crops of service chiefs can no longer protect the lives and properties of Nigerians who are daily slaughtered like cows and chickens by Boko Haram, Fulani Herdsmen and Fulani Jihadists.” 

They continued: “The meeting condemned the wanton arrest and arbitrary detention of the elders and people of Ifite-Ogwari community in Anyamelum Local Government Area (LGA) of Anambra State for the simple reason of defending their community from Fulani Herdsmen who have continued to attack and kill members of the Ifite-Ogwari community in their ancestral land. 

“On the foregoing, INC urge the Government of Anambra State to rise up to the responsibility of protecting the lives and property of the people of Anambra State. 

“The NWC meeting urged the Federal Government to be very sensitive of the untold hardship the people of Southern Nigeria are passing through because of the border closure. On the above, INC, therefore, requests the Federal Government to reopen the southern border or otherwise close the porous Northern borders where too many smuggling activities have been taking place since the politically motivated closure of the Southern borders. 

“Finally, the Igbo National Council (INC) wish to advise the leadership of Miyetti Allah in Nigeria to urge her members who now camp in many forests in South-East and South-South geopolitical zone to immediately vacate those forests or regret their deviancy.”

Monday, February 24, 2020

IMO GUBER: PDP's Journey From The Streets to Supreme Court




BY ONYEKACHI EZE

OWERRI (NEW TELEGRAPH)
--After series of street protests and visits to embassies, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) finally approached the Supreme Court, seeking a reversal of the judgement that sacked Emeka Ihedioha as Imo State governor, ONYEKACHI EZE reports...

The National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Prince Uche Secondus, was careful in his choice of words, when he addressed party members and supporters during a rally in Abuja on January 20, following the Supreme Court judgement that sacked Emeka Ihedioha as governor of Imo State.

The PDP national chairman had earlier disclosed the party’s intention to seek a review of the judgement. And he was careful not to offend the jurists when the party eventually files its petition for a review. That was why he told party supporters during the rally that PDP was only against the error observed in the judgement, but not the justices.

His words: “We’re not against you (Supreme Court justices), we’re against the error and by the special grace of God, I know you will revisit the error. All we are saying is that for you to review this error because the figures are not adding up.

“We, therefore, call on the leadership of the judiciary to please revisit and reverse the Imo State judgement because we believe that the figures are not adding up. That’s why we’re here, so that the world will hear us. We are a democratic nation, and therefore, all democratic nations of the world are hearing us – United States, United Kingdom, even the United Nations, the African Union and ECOWAS.

“We believe that people at the highest court of the land will hear our cry and revisit, review, and if possible, reverse, the judgement. This is time to show courage.”

The error in the judgement, according to the party was that the apex court inadvertently increased the number of votes in the March 9, 2019 governorship election, by 127,209 votes.

The number of accredited voters was 823,743, out of which, 739,485 was votes cast while 25,130 was cancelled votes, leaving 714,355 as valid votes. But with the addition of 127,209 to Uzodinma’s 96,458 votes (whom the Independent National Electoral Commission, said came fourth in the election), the total number of votes in the election increased to 950,952.

PDP said it “is highly irrational, unfounded, a provocative product of executive manipulation and a recipe for crisis, which should not be allowed to stand.”

The party added: “With the verdict, the Supreme Court executed a coup against the PDP and the people of Imo State as well as other Nigerians, and such must not be allowed to have a place in our democracy.”

On the heels of the judgement, PDP supporters had embarked on street protests. From Owerri, the Imo State capital, to Taraba, Anambra, Sokoto and others, the party mobilised its members and sympathisers to march against the judgement.

The party’s leadership, apart from staging the Abuja rally, also went to the embassies of the United States and France as well as the British High Commission, to submit a petition. It was equally at the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU) headquarters in Nigeria for the same purpose.

But on February 5, the party and its candidate (Ihedioha) formally filed an appeal at the Supreme Court, asking it to review the January 14 judgement.

Chief Kanu Agabi (SAN), Nigeria’s former Attorney-General and Minister for Justice, who filed the appeal on their behalf, prayed the court to declare as “nullity the judgement delivered by this Honourable Court on the 14th of January 2020, in Appeal No. SC.1462/2019 and Cross Appeal No. SC.1470/2019.”

Imo State governor, Senator Hope Uzodinma, is the first appellant/respondent, while the All Progressives Congress (APC) and INEC are the second and third appeallants/respondents, respectively. Ihedioha and PDP are respondents/applicants.

Governor Uzodinma has as well, filed a cross appeal, asking the court to dismiss the PDP petition on the ground that it is status barred. He argued that the window allowed by law for election petition has elapsed.

PDP and Ihedioha, in their motion on notice, argued that the Supreme Court had no jurisdiction to declare Uzodinma as elected in “an election petition which was based on two inconsistent and mutually exclusive grounds, to wit, (i) that the 1st Applicant was not duly elected by majority of lawful votes cast at the election, the implication of which is that the majority of votes cast at the election were valid; and, (ii) that the election was invalid for noncompliance with the Electoral Act, the implication of which is that the election be annulled.”

They further argued that the apex court “did not have the jurisdiction to declare the 1st Appellant/Respondent as elected in the absence of any proof that the votes ascribed to him met the mandatory geographical spread stipulated in section 179 (2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended).”

Further, the applicants contended that the Supreme Court “did not have the jurisdiction to declare that the 1st Appellant/Respondent met the constitutional geographical spread without providing in its judgement the reason(s) for that conclusion.

“The fraudulent nature of the additional votes was demonstrated by the fact that total votes cast as shown in the first appellant/respondent’s computation was more than the total number of voters accredited for the election and in some polling units more than the total number of registered voters.

“The fraud was also demonstrated by the fact that the result computed by the first appellant/respondent showed only the votes of the first applicant and the first appellant/respondent without specifying the votes scored by the other 68 candidates who participated in the election.”

To this effect, the applicants urged the court to hold that the judgement of the Court of Appeal, which dismissed Uzodinma’s petition as incompetent, continues to subsist as the appeal against that decision was not considered by the apex court.

The appeal was slated for hearing on February 18, but was later shifted to March 2, to allow both the respondents and applicants file their responses and replies.

The applicants are contesting the results from 388 polling units, which the Supreme Court relied on to declare Uzodinma winner of the March 9, 2019 governorship election. This amounted to 213,495 votes, which APC and Uzodinma believed, were unlawfully excluded from their votes during the election.

But PDP argued that exhibits 63RD1 to 63RD19 (which is INEC Forms EC40G) showed that there were no valid elections in the 388 polling units. INEC had told the court that the result from the 388 polling units did not originate from it.

The party’s argument on spread was that even if Uzodinma’s votes were allowed to stand, he did not get the spread in the required number of local government areas in Imo State.

To be declared governor of a state, section 179 (2) of the constitution stipulates that in addition to winning the highest number of valid votes cast in an election, the candidate must also secure 25 per cent of votes in two-third of the local government areas in the state.

Imo State has 27 local government areas. Two-third therefore is 18. PDP’s argument is that Uzodinma has spread in only two local governments, and could not be declared winner because he lacks the required spread.

But some advocacy groups argued that the court should rather order a rerun between the two political parties that have the highest number of votes (PDP and APC) since neither Uzodinma nor Ihedioha met the required spread. While Uzodinma has spread in only two, Ihedioha met the spread in 14 local government areas.

This is not the first time the Supreme Court is being asked to review its judgement. As a matter of fact, the apex court was approached on a number of occasions, asking it to review its earlier judgements. One of the most celebrated is the Johnson v Lawanson of 1970s. This was a case involving Kobina Johnson vs Irene Lawanson and others.

The Supreme Court, upon a request for review, regretted its earlier position that for a deed to be relied on by section 129 of the Evidence Act, it must be 20 years old at the date of proceedings. This was reversed to be 20 years old at the date of the contract.

Justice Coker who delivered the judgement, held that “when the court is faced with the alternative of perpetuating what it is satisfied is an erroneous decision which was reached per incuriam and will, if followed, inflict hardship and injustice upon the generations in the future or of causing temporary disturbances of rights acquired under such decision, I do not think we shall hesitate to declare the law as we find it.”

Consequently, the Supreme Court ordered that the appeal be re-heard by another panel of the justices of the Supreme Court.

PDP’s lawyer, in his final submission, reminded the jurists that “never in the history of this court have your lordships delivered a judgement which evoked the protest of the public. This one has. Therefore, we urge you, we appeal to you to take a second look at it.

“There is no doubting the fact that your lordships, being human, will from time to time fall into error. Prove to the world that when that happens, you will not lack the courage to correct yourselves. That is the unique opportunity that this case offers you.”

He further cited the case of Adegoke Motors v. Adesanya, where the Supreme Court stated that “it is far better to admit an error than to preserve an error.”

PDP is asking the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mohammed Tanko and six other justices, who delivered the January 14 judgement, to recuse themselves from the panel that would review the judgement.

The party said its demand was based on Section 36(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which guarantees fair hearing to every citizen or entity in the determination of his rights or obligations.

“Furthermore, the time honoured and tested principles of natural justice, particularly that no man shall be a judge in his own cause is particularly relevant to this solemn request.

“Allegation of bias or likelihood of bias goes to the root of fair hearing. Denial of right to fair hearing is a logical consequence of bias in any proceeding before a court or a tribunal,” PDP argued.

Nigerian Jews And The Dream Of Their Own State

Hagadol Ephraim Uba. Image: Facebook


BY KATRIN GANSLER

OWERRI (DER STANDARD)
--Synagogues have been growing in the southeast of the country for 30 years - but the Jews are not recognized by Israel

Nisach Bai Ephraim is shy. "I'm married here in the state of Imo and have a child. I'm in my early 30s and a housewife," she says slowly. In the small room next to the Owerri synagogue, a large fan hums, the noise of which keeps swallowing her voice. At noon, the humid, humid air in southeastern Nigeria is almost unbearable. The young woman only thaws when she talks about her belief. Judaism is wonderful: "This religion is the truth. I am very proud of my faith."

Nisach Bai Ephraim grew up in the neighboring state of Aba, where the vast majority are committed to Christianity. As a child, she therefore knew the feeling of being different, of not going to church on Sundays, of having no communion or confirmation celebrations. However, that was not a problem. "Everyone knew that I was Jewish. I grew up with it."

This is an exception in Nigeria. Synagogues have only been in existence in the south-east of the 200 million-inhabitant country for around 30 years. The northernmost are in the capital, Abuja, and a few have also been built in the metropolis of Lagos. Religion plays a crucial role in the country, and discussions about whether there are more Christians or more Muslims are part of everyday life and are always used politically.
"Lost Tribe of Israel"

At some point in the early 1980s, Hagadol Ephraim Uba could not do anything with it. Until he converted to Judaism, he was a Christian preacher himself. Today he is the chairman of the Association of Jewish Faith in Owerri. However, the fact that more and more people are committed to Judaism is not a trend, but rather a return. "We are the lost tribe of Israel. Moses should lead us to the promised land."

How many Jews there are in Nigeria is not clear. Some speak of 30,000, in Jewish circles the number of three million sometimes drops. However, they are not recognized by the Israeli state. On the African continent these have been the Beta Israel from Ethiopia since 1975. There are also Jewish communities in South Africa. In Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon and Rwanda, many people are waiting in vain for official recognition.

Whoever is not a child of a Jewish mother needs the Giur, the conversion. This requires several years of preparation with a subsequent examination before a rabbinical court. Praying in Hebrew and celebrating worship on Saturday the Sabbath is not enough. Recognition also includes the right to emigrate to Israel. This is made possible by the law on returnees passed in 1950.
Aid from the United States

Support comes instead from the United States. For example, the Kulanu organization based in New York motivates small Jewish communities around the world. It helps build networks and creates contacts worldwide.

For Hagadol Ephraim Uba there are numerous parallels between Israel and the southeast of Nigeria. "Israel is hated by the world, just like we are." In the Owerri synagogue, the parishioners have something else in common: they are all Igbo. With 30 to 40 million people, this is one of the largest ethnic groups in the country, which fought for its independence during the Biafra War from 1967 to 1970.

Voting on the Sabbath

To this day, the dream of having a state of one's own is great, because many feel disadvantaged by the Nigerian central government. This also applies to religion for the Jews of Owerri. "Unlike Christians and Muslims, we don't get any support from the state. Also in Nigeria elections are held on the Sabbath, Saturday," says Hagadol Ephraim Uba. Being Jewish is therefore also a political statement and above all a criticism of the government. (Katrin Gänsler from Owerri, February 20, 2020)

Sunday, February 23, 2020

BOOK REVIEW: The Prayer Of The Birds

Image: Journal de Montreal



With this second novel which risks shaking more than one, we can say that the Nigerian writer Chigozie Obioma is really taking off.

Modestly titled Fishermen , the first novel by Nigerian writer Chigozie Obioma was one of our biggest favorites of 2016. And we were obviously not the only ones to love it, since he entered the list of finalists for the Booker Prize. So what about this second novel, this time entitled The prayer of the birds ? Well ... in addition to bringing us back to the arid lands of Nigeria, it is also just a treat. Last year in the UK he was also one of the Booker Prize finalists!

The hidden face of Africa

But enough talk. Because to be able to grasp its essence, we must first specify that this book is completely off the beaten track.

You will discover it quickly enough by yourself in contact with its narrator, who would be the chi of a young chicken breeder named Chinonso Solomon Olisa.

Ever heard of chi? Welcome to the club ! From the first pages, it will however be clearly indicated that in the Igbo cosmology, chi is the spiritual being, the parallel identity which watches at all times over the host of flesh and blood whose life it shares.

So when this host one day prevents a pretty student from committing suicide from the top of a bridge, her chi will inevitably be in the front row to closely follow the very sad love story that will soon follow ...

A disturbing novel that allows us to travel far beyond the borders of reality without ever leaving the tragic fate of a man ready to do anything to please his beautiful.


----------JOURNAL DE MONTREAL

Saturday, February 22, 2020

INTERVIEW: Okwui Okpokwasili With Tara Aisha Willis

Okwui Okpokwasili. Image: MacArthur Foundation

BY TARA AISHA WILLIS

Performance-maker Okwui Okpokwasili jumped on a call with Tara Aisha Willis, just ahead of the opening events of Danspace Project’s 10th anniversary Platform, Utterances from the Chorus co-curated by Okpokwasili and Danspace Executive Director and Chief Curator, Judy Hussie-Taylor. The Platform is built around the questions, “How do we weave a collective song? How can the voice and body be a site of resistance and transformation? How can we share artistic practices—between artists and between artists and audiences?” The month-long series will also include the New York premiere of Okpokwasili and Peter Born’s Sitting on a Man’s Head, a durational, improvised, and communal performance with a rotating cast, which takes on the first of those three questions.

Tara Aisha Willis (Rail): When did you start thinking about the theme and framework for the Platform as a way to think about performance, to hold a conversation?

Okwui Okpokwasili: I’ve been thinking about creating a collective sonic experience that’s durational and improvisational since my research for Poor People’s TV Room (2017), looking at embodied protest practices, particularly of women in southeastern Nigeria. There was one practice called “sitting on a man”: women come together and go to someone, usually a man, an official, or somebody who has done egregious harm. These collectives would go into the private space of a man and address their grievance with song, with dance—until he’s like ‘okay fine, I’ll do it, I’ll do it.’ I was interested in this idea of shared creation over a period of time, with a force of intention. A clear desire and a shared language, shared concern—I found it interesting to imagine having a group come together to, not necessarily address a grievance outwards, but address the community itself. Inward restoration. Improvisational spaces can wake up our own listening capacities, to feel and vibrate in the [distance] between [ourselves and] others. But also the question of a chorus. People talk about Fannie Lou Hamer leading a group of black folks in song when their bus was stopped by police after they attempted to register to vote—to start singing to gird people’s strength up. That sonic gesture is powerful and restorative. I started to imagine the space where you could create a structure for this to happen with the public in 2014: to strengthen and nourish the capacity to listen to yourself while also being in conversation and in communion with others, through a creative practice.

We’re all feeling a tremendous amount of grief and strain. The constant violence of the current administration. What they’re doing to undocumented folks crossing borders, behaving violently against people who are suffering and trying to escape from suffering. We know our wealth has created the conditions of that suffering. We can put our bodies on the line and protest, vote, try to spread the word. I just feel we need a space where we can hear each other, listen to each other. What’s the space in a song? There’s a space for a cry, for a laugh, for intuition.

In earlier iterations we worked with less quotidian movement phrases, but we’ve streamlined it—a slow walk, a slow movement through space. Gestures come out of what needs to happen to relieve yourself from where the blood may be flowing as you move slowly. We keep it as quotidian as possible. We still have turns and stops, things to do with the fingers; if you find somebody in the space you can mirror or echo them. There’s still—I don’t know what you would call [them]—strategies or principles we are developing. It’s a strange and beautiful thing.

Rail: It’s interesting, you blur how you talk about [your new piece, Sitting on a Man’s Head,] with the Danspace Platform.

Okpokwasili: It’s also not a piece—that’s so interesting, to catch myself. It’s a practice.

Rail: Both of these structures [Sitting on a Man’s Head and the Utterances from the Chorus Platform] hold these questions about sonic, physical, emotional strategies for coming together.

Okpokwasili: It all fits: Sitting on a Man’s Head is the anchoring practice for the main inquiry of the festival. There’s this relay of information: how we collaborate, work in communities, and sustain community.

Rail: The way you’re framing all of it around practice… It strikes me that we’ve had all these Danspace Platforms over the past several years that are historical—

Okpokwasili: Like Lost and Found.

Rail: And the Judson [Dance Theater anniversary] one and...

Okpakwasili: Reggie [Wilson]’s.

Rail: And also Ishmael [Houston-Jones]’s first one, the Parallels anniversary. But this one feels very present-tense. Even though it’s an anniversary year for the Platform, it’s very present: being here together, in ecstatic, oral, moving, sounding action. The present-ness of your performing and your work also dovetails with the past in its own way, with historical thinking and memory. With what can’t quite be retold. In an interview you did with Jenn Joy you said something about “visceral recall,” the labor of trying to remember an unclear past. I’m also thinking about the Saidiya Hartman book [Wayward Lives, Beautiful Experiments: Intimate Histories of Social Upheaval (2019)] that the Platform title refers to, that’s about the 1900s. How do you see the relationship with what comes before this present moment of gathering, in this Platform and in Standing on a Man’s Head?

Okpokwasili: [Hartman] interfaces and interferes with the archive and exposes a gap in the attempt to listen for young black women’s voices: to hear what they might be telling us beyond the framework of pathology that social workers, police records, newspaper articles impose. The gap in the failure to make space for black girls dreaming, the black girl imaginary. Her imaginative riffs are improvisations using the language people use to describe the girls, the rare speech she finds coming directly from their mouths, and her own voice—it’s a productive tension, the vibration between vocal folds necessary to produce sound. She operates speculatively, even though she has the foundation and facts of the archive. In order to breathe it into the present, she does this grounded speculation.

I think the body is now. It also holds this trace of the past. The body occupies multiple spaces. Given enough time, can you slip through or remove the layers of “now” and awaken something from the past? Some cellular information you can’t touch? That’s why I engage in slowness, taking time to do something over and over [in performance]. Your conscious mind can give way to something unconscious. When I research, I can’t find images online of women engaging in this practice of sitting on a man. What do you do when there are no records of the event? I don’t want to project anything onto it. But can I create a space where that [practice] remains in me, a part of my understanding? How can I—I hesitate to say meditate on it, but—

Rail: It’s like riffing, or imagining, or telling tall tales—

Okpokwasili: Right, and sometimes in a practice we feel that space of restoration, of taking care; sometimes it does feel like someone is screaming out, and you scream out with them or hold them. Sometimes I’m like, “could this have been what it was like? Are we hitting that feeling”?

Rail: So historical research, but into lived experiences of the past, and how those come forward. Would you place Sitting on a Man’s Head in a trajectory with Bronx Gothic (2012) and Poor People’s TV Room in terms of their relationship to storytelling or bringing historical research into the present?

Okpokwasili: Sitting on a Man’s Head is in the direct lineage of Poor People’s TV Room. Bronx Gothic also uses the body to stir up memory, but to strip away the layers put on since the occasion, the event of the memory.

When we talk about the African American experience, we think about the great rupture from the “mother country,” all that went into the creation of the condition of being African American. That’s not my lineage, I’m African, Nigerian, Igbo. My lineage is another part of the colonial rupture. Even if you stayed in the country, there was so much [memory] erased. I’m looking for a way to resonate with that path; I want to operate in the space of uncertainty—not necessarily how to undo the rupture, but to awaken something from before the rupture. That gap is a productive space to make work, but it’s also the only space I know. I look for [people to perform] and I look at their gap, and I go: “I recognize that; I don’t recognize that.” I look for people who are also reaching for something in memory—beyond ‘I remember,’ more like ‘I sense,’ or ‘there’s a possibility.’

Rail: That feels like a way of figuring out what voices need to be in the room over the course of the Platform, too. Maybe this is an impossible question to answer before it happens, but do you feel like that relationship to a past or precedent is going to show up in how the Platform conversations have been built?

Okpokwasili: People [involved in the Platform] have been looking back as well as forward, not afraid to imagine new structures grounded in research around the past. The ideas of “kin and care” and “voice and body” all come from previous Platforms. There is a lineage being followed, as well as transformed—I don’t want to say it’s indirect, but it’s an evolution. The incredible history [in Hartman’s book] around women in turn of the century cities—black women migrating from the south to urban centers, looking for liberation and having to make it themselves—from the chorus girls to the queer women “looking fine.” There’s a whole lineage shaping the space we’re operating in. How to resonate with that lineage while continuing to find what’s necessary now.

There’s a chapter in the book: “The Anarchy of Colored Girls Assembled in a Riotous Manner.” I love that title. A woman lingering in the street or out at night would be arrested for violating vagrancy laws. They’d put them into these dormitories. The conditions were terrible and there was once a huge riot where women were screaming, banging on the bars, so loud people on the streets could hear it. That, to me, is inspiring. Hartman says her book is “the fugitive text of the wayward, and it is marked by the errantry that it describes. […] I have pressed at the limits of the case file and the document, speculated about what might have been, imagined the things whispered in dark bedrooms, and amplified moments of withholding, escape and possibility” (xiv). Pushing the limits of the archive. Errant speculation, rooted in the archive. I don't hue to the archive like someone with her scholarly bona fides. But I am trying to consider what it might have been to inhabit the flesh in the archive. To reverberate with what traces the archive left in that flesh.

Rail: [Hartman is] pushing on the archive in ways that are parallel to, or because of, how these girls and women are pushing on the rules and regulations around them. The method is parallel to the content.

Okpokwasili: She sees that they were engaged in a radical reformation of how one lives in a world that is not interested in your life, acts violently on you, doesn't make room for your imagination. To consider that a black woman coming from the South, barely a generation from enslavement… These are the acts of somebody who has a radical imagination about how to live other lives: the ideal is not a picket fence, a house, a job.

Rail: It's not even just about being in defiance of, or opposite, that ideal; it’s about expanding the whole terrain of possibility.

Okpokwasili: It's alongside. It's another artery.

Rail: That's beautifully put. You use a similar collection—making visible, audible, physical, fleshy—of these black women and girls’ voices, that precede the performance. It’s parallel to making audible a physical practice, collecting as a group in the present. Maybe there’s a third parallel to curating a platform where you're bringing together different people to have something to say together.

Okpokwasili: To bring all of those possibilities, methods, experiments, into—I don't want to say contention, but into closer relationship, direct transmission, in a cross-pollinating space. People have asked me, ‘what is your expectation for this Platform’? I don't have a desired outcome. I only understand that it's a practice for discovering and learning something I couldn't imagine before. Sparking a new question, a new possibility of thinking, being, and opening up to potential collaborators.

Rail: There’s also the two-volume Platform book. Creating a conversation around everything, before the actual event. And then an after-reverberation. Is that about processing how the initial conversation shifts?

Okpokwasili: It is resonant with the space we're trying to make. The first part resonates with past questions, events, moments from folks who have been connected to these [Platforms], where you bring them all together to grapple with questions. The “utterance from the choir” [in this Platform] is about bringing folks into relationship—what are the elements and possibilities of creating a choral node? The second [publication] will be what “happened.” It's not about creating a performance and having language around what it will be, the questions it asks. Rather, what is this deliberate space of being liberated from an end result or trying to project a meaning for that end? We know as practitioners and performance-makers, a lot of this language is created to give an anchor. But we also know it's not actually the piece as it unfolds in real time. I'm always in contention with this idea of art as an object. As a performer, you're always in relationship to the thing you make disappearing quickly after it's made. Improvisation is the ultimate in disappearance, an anti-authoritarian, anti-authorial space. When it comes to a practice, it’s outside my capacity to have one voice say what the anchor is: How does the catalog exist alongside these unfolding and transmuting practices? How can the catalog not be concerned with anchoring people in time and space around one idea?

Rail: I think about it cosmologically: each Platform’s curator creates a constellation, organizing ideas, bodies, and spaces. A temporary philosophy. So your mind—how you've been thinking and working—is infused across [the Platform], but it has a life of its own. We come to Danspace and live in that world for a while.

Okpokwasili: When you say “your,” you don't just mean me, it’s about the people that come in and are these constellations, in this universe. Shaping and reshaping those ecosystems. Instead of starting with a container, the core thing we’re working on is the engine at its center. Some people [in the Platform] are in conversation with each other and with the past. [For example,] I am looking at [Hartman’s] work and other people, [like Simone Leigh,] are also looking at [Hartman’s] work. It does feel like all these recombinations.

Rail: The “chorus” is a network of influence, different people picking up ideas. I hear you saying, “I've been studying this person's writing, and I’m looking at this other person, who's looking at that same person's writing.” It’s an endless rabbit hole in many directions at once.

Okpokwasili: It's interesting to look at Akwaeke Emezi's novel Freshwater, which is an exploration of being possessed by multitudes; that problem of the subject considered through a Western gaze. There are Ọgbanje children in traditional Igbo culture: those who have one foot in the spirit world and one in the earth world. Emezi writes this character who’s always in conversation with the “others” who want her to go back to that [spirit world]. [Within your] interior space, you aren’t alone. You’re in conversation with spirits [and ancestors]; you’re the manifestation of what’s come before. I remember my mother told me not to be an organ donor because when I come back in my next life I'll be missing that organ. She was raised Christian. But there were these residual things in her mind. I have an uncle who named his son, “the return of his father,” but then when he was born again as Christian, he changed that name because in Christian theology there is no return, no reincarnation. People living under Western principles are always on shaky ground. The interior, ongoing multitudes—that's the space I occupy. That's the work and reading I have been doing.

Rail: It fits into these parallels we're talking about, the present practice or action or vocalization refracting the past. And the method and the content reflecting each other.

Okpokwasili: How do we contend with being in a Western world that is trying to say “we are alone” or “we possess this land”? Here are the borders. Here's where we begin and you end. The whole colonial project is an exercise in extending the geographically prescribed body. The nation, not as land bordered by ocean, but as an idea projected around the world. That theft of resources, building wealth that excluded many folks who generated that wealth. Corporate bodies recognize no borders and can project themselves across space.

But this [project] is for individuals, human beings, for another sense of value: how we need each other to sustain each other. Protecting bodily integrity, but also opening up that body. Understanding the chorus, the flesh, the land-body, and the tributaries running through the “other” into you and back to the other. I'm interested in existing in those tributaries. It's essential right now. There’s always that question in performance. Your body makes a bridge to other bodies in a vulnerable, strange, unpredictable exchange. Their presence will do something to you and you’ll do something to them—collide with their histories and memories, while they're flooded with yours.

Rail: It’s specific to performance.

Okpokwasili: And to practice. I want more of that space. I was some years ago at [Min Tanaka’s] Body Weather Farm in Japan. Some of the practices we did, we would work in streams: we’d lie down and other people would move you, or you’d be up in a tree and people would call out prompts. What happens to your body when the wind comes through? It just opened me up for all of the elements you can dance and move with, from somebody's voice, the anchor of the tree trunk, or the ants you might feel crawling on your legs. That broke open something wide and wild for me in terms of sensation.

Rail: The practice comes into a chorus, a porousness with other people.

Okpokwasili: I had this experience working with Ralph [Lemon]. When we were working on Come Home Charley Patton, he said, ‘make a map of the postbellum and antebellum South using a table and a glass of milk.’ I don't even think there was a pen or a pencil involved. Making a map with these things, you’re saying, ‘how does my body experience fit in relationship with those objects?’ Abstracting, but also grounding yourself in a flesh-memory and not being concerned with the outcome, whether it reads a certain way. Being in the practice of imagining potential, and being unfinished. Trying to become undone from all the ways you hold your body, all that we hold as our self, to become something alongside or other.

Rail: It makes sense that you're having a hard time articulating it. It's what you were saying about the Platform: ‘I can't know what it is until it happens.’

Okpokwasili: I almost don't want to know what it is. That's a very simple thing I keep trying to elaborate on. That sense of being one among multitudes within yourself. Symbolically within yourself, but also outside of your body.

Rail: All you can do, and this conversation is an example, is repeatedly try to find ways of articulating something that's impossible to articulate. You refer to past examples or things you know, to ground it in concreteness. But none of them are the thing itself. Yet again, the method and content of this conversation are parallel.

Okpokwasili: The thing that I'm failing to elaborate or define is not a thing to be defined because it's not a thing. We did an iteration [of Sitting on a Man’s Head] in Houston, working with the artist-activators who are a core part of refining the practice. When we opened the practice to the public, you saw people who are like, ‘Oh my God, how the fuck do I get out of here? What is this?’ And then people who stayed and returned and returned. A group of women who were the godmothers of the child of someone involved in the practice left, and he stayed. I remember seeing them come back, like, ‘where's our godson that we came in with?’ It does nothing for many people. And then does everything for some. I would hope, with any performance, that it's not the same experience for everybody. I know what it does for me and the multitudes within me, my feeling of connection, but it’s absolutely not stable and definable.

Rail: I wrote down a quote from Hartman’s book about her subject matter: “…the radical imagination and everyday anarchy of ordinary colored girls, which has not only been overlooked but is nearly unimaginable” (xiv). That “nearly unimaginable” thing is the zone you’re in here.

Okpokwasili: It’s the one I’m in and the one I love.

Friday, February 21, 2020

The Example Of Enyi Abaribe

Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe. Image: Facebook


BY CHIDO NWAKANMA

Courage is the word that first comes to mind as you contemplate the phenomenon and exciting trajectory of Enyinnaya Harcourt Abaribe, senator representing Abia South in the National Assembly. Courage came to mind as he spoke with love in his heart for his people on Friday, February 14, 2020. The event was the final obsequies for Eze Israel and Lolo Ugoeze Sally Kanu, parents of the leader of IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu.

Abaribe led a star cast of outstanding Igbo politicians that showed up bravely to identify with Nnamdi Kanu in the best exemplification of Igbo culture. Ndigbo end all wars, disagreements and quarrels in the face of death. Death is the price all men must pay, so our people see it as final and deserving of love to the survivors and respect to the departed.

I join in the salutations to Peter Obi, former Governor of Anambra State, Victor Umeh, Tony Ukasoanya, Empire Kanu, Uchenna Madu of MASSOB and all those high visibility persons who mourned with Nnamdi. Well done, Nzuko Umunna. Governors of the five states of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo – victims of the cruellest vilification of IPOB- could not find the moral courage nor respect Igbo tradition to be part of the event. Governor Okezie Ikpeazu fixed the roads as a diligent host ahead of the funeral.

Enyi Abaribe stood up for the count as surety for Nnamdi Kanu when it seemed suicidal. Kanu, of course, went on to disregard the terms of his court agreement to the discomfort of the Senator. Presidential spokesman Garba Shehu deployed Kanu’s misbehaviour in his tirade against Abaribe only recently. Yet here was the man standing to represent his people at the funeral.

Such display of courage has marked the trajectory of Enyi Abaribe, the politician and Enyi, the man who stands by his friends through thick and thin, over the years. This 4th Republic commenced in 1999 with Abaribe as Deputy Governor to Orji Uzor Kalu. They soon fell out on principle. Abaribe would not compromise but chose the courageous path.

Twice the Abia State House of Assembly sought to impeach him in 2000, setting the building blocks for the shameful practice of houses of assembly doing a fool’s errand for governors. Ahead of their third attempt in 2003, Abaribe sent in his resignation by courier. He suffered a denial of benefits and perquisites of office, discouragement, and abuse for his stand.

He was the victim of the combined efforts of Governor Orji Uzor Kalu and his then Chief of Staff Theodore Ahamaefula Orji to bring him down and end his political career in disgrace. In 2007, Abaribe bounced back as a Senator, a seat he has occupied since then with repeated victories at the polls. His traducers then sought places in the Senate after doing so much damage to Abia State for a combined 16 years and earning their seats in the Evil Forest. Recent events must sound like justification. Ndi Abia watched in disbelief as they all took photos in the Senate chambers with the man, they sought to destroy many years earlier.

Enyi Abaribe has earned his honorifics. Ndigbo hail him as Mma Agha, the battle-axe. Others call him Otuonu after the movement he led for equity in Abia State. He is at the frontline in all matters concerning the Igbo and speaks without equivocation. He takes on pitched battles against an imperial presidency that seeks to portray as the act of an infidel any criticism of President Muhammadu Buhari. Many have retreated into silence even in the protected chambers but not so Enyi Abaribe. He represents in High Fidelity the idea of a Senator as a person who brings wisdom, courage and deliberation to matters for the benefit of society. Members of the Ime Obi, as the Igbo would call a place such as the Senate, ought to be fearless and bring vast experience and knowledge to their tasks.

We need more examples such as Enyi Abaribe in the South East, men of fortitude who can stand for their people as Nigeria travails under President Muhammadu Buhari. Steady hands, clear heads and courage are desiderata

Abaribe, an Old Umuahian, also brings training as an economist and private sector manager to bear in his contributions. Behind his gentle exterior is an inner core of steel and breeding. I stuck my neck out when Richard Ikiebe was to launch Voices Beyond the Newsroom by suggesting we invite the then Chairman of the Senate Committee on the Media. I reached out to him through my childhood pal and his trusted aide Uchenna Awom. A few days later, we got word that he would attend the event. On the appointed day, Enyi Abaribe flew into Lagos to honour his commitment. There was the additional reason of knowing Dr Ikiebe from many years in the past.

Courage is the choice or willingness to confront agony, pain, danger, uncertainty or intimidation. Moral rather than physical courage is the virtue best associated with man and speaks to the ability to act rightly in the face of widespread opposition, shame, scandal, discouragement or personal loss. Courage shows in the most challenging times as the Igbo philosophy recognises that mberede ka eji ama nwoke (Difficult situations reveals the character of the man).

We need more examples such as Enyi Abaribe in the South East, men of fortitude who can stand for their people as Nigeria travails under President Muhammadu Buhari. Steady hands, clear heads and courage are desiderata. Beyond crying at the shame unfolding before us, it is crucial to recognise exemplars such as Enyi Abaribe. Ji de nke ijei, Mma Agha. Salutations.

Thursday, February 20, 2020

IMO STATE: Ihedioha And The Demand Of History

Emeka Ihedioha. Image: Twitter


BY OKEY IKECHUKWU

Today, the Supreme Court stands on what may well be the precipice of a probably unprecedented judicial challenge. This is with reference to the planned review of its own judgment regarding the last governorship elections in Imo State. So we must urge their Lordships to remember the words of Winston Churchill, the former British Prime Minister, who said: “To each there comes in their lifetime a special moment when they are figuratively tapped on the shoulder and offered the chance to do a very special thing, unique to them and fitted to their talents. What a tragedy if that moment finds them unprepared or unqualified for that which could have been their finest hour.” The type of special moment Churchill had in mind stands before the Nigerian judiciary and judicial system today. To make this their finest hour is the demand of history.

All hell broke loose when, a few weeks ago, the Supreme Court ruled that the governor of Imo State, Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, be stripped of the Certificate of Return given to him as the duly elected governor and that Chief Hope Uzodinma, the person who came fourth in the said election, be given the Certificate of Return and summarily sworn in as the duly elected governor.

Eminent lawyers, political party faithful, sundry commentators and even freelance grumblers joined issues – even if repetitively so. Protest marches decorated the national landscape. Then, quite unexpectedly, the apex court indicated its willingness to review the judgment. This commendable move remains a decent, dignified and mature stepping forth to take a second look at a case on which it had already made what would ordinarily pass for a final pronouncement.

The Supreme Court, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) and the learned justices of the apex court should be understood here to be saying to Nigerians that infallibility resides with Divinity alone, as an inherent and inalienable attribute. It does not inhere in human beings, does not reside with men and cannot be successfully simulated by men. Thus their Lordships must, first, be seen to have moved up the ladder of judicial propriety. By so doing, they have also given many people a much-needed emotional respite. The decision to review the case has also tempered the distemper of many whose strident criticism of the apex court verges on the hysterical.

Regarding the criticisms, and this is a slight diversion from our main concern today, it must be said that some of the criticisms have become so tiresome, threadbare and coarsely inelegant that one is sometimes not patient enough to wade through the vituperations to find the substance. Matters have not been helped by the plethora of political cases all over the place. We may recall, for instance, that the PDP cried until it ran out of tears, when its presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, lost at the Supreme Court. The court was (rightly or wrongly) accused of bias and of being a stooge of the ruling party. But the same PDP had celebrated when the APC lost its struggle to field candidates in Zamfara State, all the way to the Supreme Court. The court was not denigrated at all as beholden to the PDP. The story was the same when the APC and Rotimi Amechi, a politician who is largely responsible for over 105% of his political and personal problems, were worsted by the courts. It was inauspicious then to speak of partisanship.

Coming back to the matter at hand, there are currently diverse views on what the Supreme Court should do, or not do. My hope and prayer is that the court comes out with a decision their Lordships can proudly recommend to their children, their grandchildren, to students of law and to posterity. This is a critical case; and for a nation in critical times, standing on slippery slopes of morality in leadership and facing very critical challenges on all fronts. The hunger and anger in the land have fuelled comprehensive distrust of all institutions of state. Ours has become a nation wherein citizens live silently with the quiet certainty and conviction that the average (not every) public office holder is either an outright looter, or at least a person of dishonest means who has escaped the long arms of the law. We live in such trying times, wherein misconduct is made to look very attractive by those who ought to take the lead in guiding society unto the path of moral rectitude. It is against the background of the foregoing considerations that the Supreme Court must exercise the greatest circumspection in the matter at hand. This is the demand of our history today.

I am not from Imo State, but I have said enough about that state on these pages for any observer to note my interests and concerns for good governance in that endowed state. Yes, I confess to having had a healthy contempt for the immediate past government of the state before Ihedioha. Yes, I saw and still see, the great gains of the short, and interrupted, tenure of Emeka as the first real attempt to bring Imo people together, with genuine, people-based, Ikwu-na-ibe notions of leadership and development. I make no apologies about my perception of Ihedioha as having begun to dispel the odour of unsanctity surrounding leadership, governance and service delivery in Imo State before the court judgment. I suggest, and insist, that he brought something that had been largely missing since the days of the late Sam Mbakwe and the likes of Peter Obi as governors in the South-east.

Part of what Emeka brought, and which is in danger of being blown away by Ndi Omekome, is the idea of leadership as service to the people. Not the award of contracts to the elite for kickbacks, in addition to the promotion of never-do-wells into prominence, no. It was service, “for the good of the people, according to their known and accepted norms, and in the promotion of their short, medium and long term interests.”

In those few months, Ndi Imo had the heartwarming experience of seeing a governor who went about conducting government business with calm clear-headedness and unaffected diligence. They beheld someone who came to lead and to offer succor by placing all the cards on the table and asking them to join him so that they could collectively regain and restore their pride as a people. By inviting, deploying and making the best of the state’s rich human capital he was already creating a new reference for the teeming youths, before the Supreme Court judgment.

The contrast between his short stint and the eight years of tomfoolery that preceded him explains why everyone was ready to work with him. The people simply heaved a sigh of relief. This includes the repentant, and perhaps not so repentant, participants in the eight-year leadership dance of shame that preceded his assumption of office. But one thing stood out: he removed the debauchery that had taken violent possession of that endowed state. It is true that the conduct of some Members of the Imo State House of Assembly after the court judgment leaves a big smear on the celebrated rebirth. Yes indeed, it does. But that only shows that some people are still what they were. To take that too hard, or make it a basis for the permanent stigmatisation of the political turncoats, is to overlook the fact that not all are initially guided by deep conviction in all that they do.

But no one must lose sight of the fact that the virtues, and even performance of Ihedioha in office are not matters to tender in a court of law, especially the Supreme Court. They are, at best, subject declarations of preferred values and a cheerful display of ones loyalties with regard to what one would like to see in Imo State. So one does not expect that the Supreme Court that withdrew his certificate on technical grounds will re-award same on the bases of some beautiful prose on his leadership qualities. No. Not at all! It is now a matter of law. But not banal law. It must be law taken new levels of jurisprudential excellence, to the much higher calling that beckons on the ultimate spirit of the law (all rational law) to deliver the type of justice that will resonate with our true humanity. Which is why the Ihedioha appeal that was called up and then adjourned to the second day of March imposes some great demands, based on our recent judicial history. It is the demands ancient jurists would say are imposed on every juror of repute, who does not wish to do anything that is “repugnant to natural justice, equity and good conscience.”

Whichever way the matter goes subsequently, and I hope it goes in favour of those who have argued, stridently, that it beats logic to have a man declared winner in an election wherein the total votes cast exceeds the number of those accredited to vote on the election day, the leadership of the judiciary deserves commendation for reopening this vexatious matter. Those who argue a constitutional restraint on the apex court against reviewing its own case overlook one simple and straightforward fact. That fact is that it is the judiciary that is charged with interpreting the constitution, interpreting all made laws and determining whether any made law, or pretense at law making, can pass muster.

In showing a preference for a return to the status quo ante, one has nothing whatsoever against the gentleman who inherited for the time being the title of governor of Imo State, conferred on him by the Supreme Court judgment. I have known him for as long as I have known Ihedioha, but my position on who I would rather see in the Imo State Government House is personal; and borne of personal certainties about what the state – and Ndigbo- will gain with Ihedioha as governor of Imo State.


SOURCE: THIS DAY

Monday, February 17, 2020

OMENALA: BBC’s Searchlight Spots Crumbling Mbari Art In Umunakara

Ime Mbari. Image: Herbert M. Cole, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Santa Barbara.




Recently, Picasso’s granddaughter sold a trove of his unique and highly coveted ceramic works at Sotheby’s, London. Included were Cubist drawings from the 1910s and a selection of unique ceramics that reflect the artist’s fascination with faces and portraiture whose prices range from £6,000 to £60,000. There is also a work titled “Tete a Tete” estimated to be sold between £799,000 and £1.1 million. 

In Africa, there were numerous Picassos uncelebrated. They carved or sculptured wonderful art objects, both movable and immovable. Sadly, many of those artworks have either been stolen by Western countries or are rotting away here in remote parts Africa. The Mbari Orieamafor is among those ancient artworks, now begging to be salvaged, restored and preserved.

On February 2, 2020, a crew of BBC Igbo Service stormed Umunakara Imerienwe in Ngor-Okpala Local Government Area of Imo State where they found a crumbling Mbari artwork not less than 100 years old. The outcome of the discovery was a story titled “Igbo Culture: Ihe mere e ji kwusi igba mbari n’obodo anyi” (Why making of Mbari art is no longer going on in our land). 

Speaking in the BCC interview, two elders of Umunakara, Mr. Atinetus Ekeh and Felix Ekeh explained why the present generation is no longer following the footsteps of their forefathers and tradition of making Mbari art. The two elders said the making of Mbari artwork was a tradition of the people which they themselves met when they were born, and that there is no one alive today that can tell when it started. 

“As we were told,” the elders said, “the artists that make the Mbari used to come together whenever they want to make Mbari. They usually conceal themselves and their artwork-in-progress with reed fences for about two years. They use red muds and clay, moulding different kinds of objects within those two years. After the work was completed, they unveil it to the public to see the artworks they had created.” 

Because every aspect of life in traditional African society was intertwined with the African traditional religion, some people associate the Mbari art with the worship of the village deity, Orieamafor, “because it kills evildoers,” said Mr Atinetus. 

The two elders observed that it was when Christianity came that the making of Mbari was stopped an began to be used only as an object of art exhibition or spectacle. 

Mbari is a visual art form practised by the Igbos of Eastern Nigeria. According to Chinua Achebe, “Mbari was a celebration through art of the world and of a life lived in it. It was performed by the community on command by its presiding deity, usually, the Earth goddess, Ala, who combined two formidable roles in the Igbo pantheon as a fountain of creativity in the world and custodian of the moral order in human society.” 

In 1961, Ulli Beier, a German editor, writer and scholar who had a pioneering role in developing literature, drama and poetry in Nigeria, in association with others, co-founded the MbariClub as a cultural centre for writers and artists. 

It is ironic that the descendants of the same British colonial masters who were responsible for the rape, looting and destruction of African arts and culture, are now the people championing its restoration and protection against extinction. 

This work and the BBC’s, therefore, serve as wakeup calls for state and federal governments, private organisations and international agencies, to rise to the challenge of restoring and preserving these great monuments scattered across Nigeria. They are indeed repositories of our history, arts and culture which provide contents for the much-talked-about tourism as Nigeria’s new oil deposit.


SOURCE: VANGUARD

Sunday, February 16, 2020

ESSAY: Who Are The Returnees In Akwa Ibom?

Akwa Ibom map image via Research Gate.


BY NSIKAK EKANEM

John James Akpan Udoedehe has an impressive ex this and that in his political profile – former Uyo Local Government Chairman and former senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He was also a one-time Minister of State for the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Abuja.

In 2011 he was the governorship candidate for the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, in Akwa Ibom. Though he lost the election to then incumbent Godswill Akpabio, he gave the former a run for his money in what remains the most blood-spilled and ethnicity-tensed election in the annals of electoral contests in the state. Before defecting from the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, to the ACN he was the helmsman of Akpabio’s 2007 governorship campaign.

After his unsuccessful bid for the governorship position in 2011 he has been aspiring to fly governorship flag of the All Progressive Congress, APC, in 2015 and 2019 elections, to no avail. Though his consistency with the main opposition party in the state could be said to be unwavering, his dedication to electoral interest of his party after the 2011 election has been wavering just as he has been suspected to play a fifth columnist role for the party in power. Even so, he remains one of the top gladiators in the politics of Akwa Ibom.

Unlike many Nigerian political officer seekers, he is not good at hiring crowd, yet he can boast of sea of heads at any political event gathered at his instance. He may not have the gift of the gap to lure his audience with alluring words but he has the streetwise-ness to command mass movement, especially among the downtrodden. A cerebral young man called Ofonime Honesty honestly described him as “The man who braved the odds to breathe life into opposition politics in Akwa Ibom”.

So many others see him as having nuisance value. His street bravado, which his adversaries described as touting, is traced to his formative years in his father’s then flourishing transportation business in Uyo, which might have deposited a sizeable sociological gene in him. May be it has more to do with his biological gene than the environmental influence or combination of both.

Whether it is to his advantage or disadvantage, most of Udoedehe’s teeming followers often voluntarily, willy-nilly, charlatanry and in a riffraff-like manner amplify his intentions and actions with distortions, beyond the proportion of the doer of the action. It does not occur to them that overzealous or madcap drive to give a niche to a brand, especially a political brand, when it is unneedful, without subjecting it to ratiocination, with the belief that the brand will be embraced hook, line and sinker by the public, is often packaged higgledy-piggledy, resulting in high propensity of being counterproductive.

When Udoedehe, recently at a public event in Uyo, traced the political history of Akwa Ibom to the fact that the state “always have Lagos returnees coming to become governors” and that time has arrived “to have a home grown person as governor” he probably did not mean to ostracize, inculpate and alienate any segment of the Akwa Ibom populace or cause aspersion on any individual person with a view to drawing artificial fault lines and narrowing 2023 political space in the state.

Unfortunately, what the former senator might not have meant have been making rounds in the state through messy marketing by his minions in any available public place. In attempt to market the message on the need for “home grown person” to be governor, Udoedehe has been inadvertently portrayed as a politician with a complex problem, intimidated by mere speculation of a person or persons with certain connection with Lagos. One who goes to a race with inferiority complex on account of the physique and profile of other contestants meet defeat from the starting line and it would take millennial magic for the person to reach finishing line, let alone winning the race.

As a one-time senator, and later, a minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, provided his character and worldview align with his political status, Udoedehe has what it takes to be called a statesman, therefore, going to the market place with pedestrian and parochial postulation aimed at castigating Akwa Ibom indigenes residing in Lagos is unbecoming and condescending of a person that has attained such position in the public.

The keywords in Udoedehe’s message are “home grown” and ‘Lagos returnees”. Whereas the phrases, on the face of it, are simple enough for comprehension by even pupils in the primary schools, ambiguity has crept in through innuendoes deploy by the amplifiers in the course of expatiating the call for change. If where one is brought up has to do with a person’s formative stage, which is from childhood to adolescence, how come someone who was born around the vicinity of his nativity, grew up there and had his primary to tertiary education there before getting a job in Lagos, from where he constantly shuttle to his village, is given a separatist tag of “a returnee”?

With Lagos as a case point, one of the contradictions of the Nigerian federation, which is against the spirit of an ideal federations, is that while a citizen’s hands are busied every day for a living in the city his heart remains in his village. That accounted for why a person living and working in Lagos goes to his village to enroll in the voters’ register. If a person residing in Victoria Island for decades is asked to choose a road for construction he would rather mention with alacrity roads in his village and not anyone around the neighbourhood of his residency.

In the late 1980s or thereabout, Ray Ekpu packaged a fundraising programme for his village in Akwa Ibom and brought Arthur Nzeribe, who announced a scholarship foundation for indigent students of the community to study in universities. Recently, when Udeme Ufot of the SO & U advertising firm clocked 60 all roads for his friends across the country, the de crème de la crème, were leading to his village at Etinan in Akwa Ibom for a thanksgiving all because he wanted “to draw attention” to deplorable roads passing through his village.

Granted that the meaning of “returnee” is as assumed by those making a taunt of it, what is wrong in a country like Nigeria, where high premium is placed on state of origin over residency for an indigene who intends to join politics in his country home?

From antiquity to contemporary time, history abound of leaders that return to their nativity and assume some sort of deus ex machina role. Think of the biblical Moses in the liberation movement in the ancient Israel! In the same vein, two most prominent and powerful Igbos, in my estimation, are legendary Nnamdi Azikiwe, known across the globe as Zik of Africa, and Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu. The two of them were born in Zungeru, in the present day Niger State in November 1904 and 1933 respectively. Zik was educated in the United States. On returning to Nigeria, he lived in Lagos, where he had his major exploits in politics. Ojukwu, who was fluent in Hausa and Yoruba before speaking his native Igbo, was also brought up in Lagos.

Though, Zik’s pan-Nigerianness and pan-Africaness have been a subject of criticism among a segment of the Igbos, owing to Nigeria’s ethnocentrism, the fact remains that the Igbos were unalloyed in their commitment to being loyal and ever committed to following Zik while his robustly engaged political career lasted. In the case of Ojukwu, the fact that 50 years after, the disastrous relics of the Nigerian Civil War still remain a sore to the Igbos in Nigeria, yet the Igbos remain unregretful for faithfully identifying with Ojukwu, who was the main prosecutor on the Biafran side of the war. Their Zungeru birth place did not count while their cosmopolitan orientation was considered a plus for the Igbos to get to their envisaged place in the Nigerian nation.

Who really is a returnee in Akwa Ibom? Let us take a look at those who eke out a living through their toils in Lagos or elsewhere and at the same time have filial identification with the plight and aspirations of their native community. Let us compare the former with those that attain prominence through mandate given to them to render service to the public and at the end of their service they relocate to Abuja or elsewhere outside Akwa Ibom because they have fed fat and elevated to status no longer fit for habitation in the Akwa Ibom environment. Let us also take a glance at a politician with serial record of profiteering in elections after elections in Akwa Ibom, who leaves to unwind elsewhere, leaving his followers in the lurch, only to return for next election.

All Akwa Ibomites anywhere in the world should be unapologetic in condemning any attempt by any individual or group persons to smear certain people and spew exclusionary rule in the pursuit of their personal political ambition. If at all, there is anything edible in a pack of unconstitutional exclusionary rule, it is only its momentary palatability in the mouth of those spewing it. It is a trouble to the stomach since its indigestibility lead to a vicious complex ailment.

Exclusion is an anathema to democracy. It promotes narrowness that democracy antagonizes and kills the ennobling essence of all-ness and openness that democracy epitomizes. Since democracy offers a market place for diversities let all sort of people – fake home grown and real home grown, returnees and the runaway – flock together till harvest time.


SOURCE: NEW TELEGRAPH

A Reason To Separate The Igbo From Nigeria

Image via Nairaland Forum


BY OSITA EBIEM

Right from the onset, it may be necessary to make this point clear: That Nigeria is a genocidal state. We need to have that in mind while responding to the question of whether the Igbo should continue to maintain their stake as partners in the colonial union known as Nigeria. Throughout history and in all regions of the world where there has been genuine and honest response to genocides, separation has always been the only sensible response. At the end of the crime, the victims are usually removed far away from the perpetrators. That is the only solution that permanently prevents future occurrences of the atrocities of genocide in any society where it has taken place.

While the people are saying “Never Again,” the only reliable guarantee that is capable of safeguarding such a promise is the shield and assurances that sovereign independent international boundaries provide for a persecuted people like the Igbo. The truth is that while you try as much as possible to keep fires away from gunpowder, you should also make efforts to keep gunpowder away from fires.

Here following, we will name a few of the victims of genocides in the past who of necessity had to be separated from the perpetrators in order to ensure that the victims do not suffer the same fate in the future. Some time ago in 2016, in the midst of threats from the Turkish government which perpetrated the crime, German legislators officially recognized the Armenian Genocide as such. The United States Congress, despite protests from the Turkish government has also officially recognized the Armenian genocide.

Soon after the Turkish Ottoman Empire committed the genocide of the Armenians in 1915 with the massacre of 1.5 million Armenians, the Armenian people had to separate themselves into an independent country of Armenia with the administrative capital in Yerevan.

After the German Nazis committed the genocide of the Jews in Germany and the rest of Europe in which 6 million Jews were massacred, the victims had to separate themselves far away from the perpetrators. This Jewish Genocide is known widely as the Holocaust. The genocide ended in 1945 and the Jews established an independent state of Israel in the Middle East in 1948.

It is the accusation of genocides that led to the breaking up of the countries that made up the former united country of Yugoslavia.

The genocide of the East Pakistanis by the government of West Pakistan led to the separation of the two formerly united country, where the East became Bangladesh. The list goes on.

The genocide such as the one that took place in Nigeria against the Igbo is an institutional genocide. Most genocides are institutional crimes, anyway. In most cases it is only states that have the capacity to muster such elaborate machineries usually required to carry out such great massacres. The government as well as the other peoples of Nigeria committed the genocide of Biafrans between 1966 and 1970 in which 3.5 million Biafrans were killed. Igbo made up 3.1 of the 3.5 million who died in that genocide.

The root cause of the Igbo Genocide in Nigeria is hatred. Therefore, the hatred that produced the act is institutional and not merely individuals’. The Nigerian state as an institution is the primary source of the prevailing Nigerians’ hatred of the Igbo. Because its source resides in the institution of the federal republic of Nigeria, it will be near impossible to uproot this hatred from the Nigerian society. It will be near impossible to create a lasting atmosphere in the Nigerian society where the Igbo will be eventually accepted and allowed to exist side by side with the other Nigerians in the spirit of true brotherhood.

Institutions run as continuums therefore their established policies, customs, norm and culture such as the society-wide hatred of the Igbo, run from one generation to the next. Agreements, armistices and promises such as “Never Again,” “No victors and no vanquished” and other similar lofty pledges, when they are genuinely made, can only hold for a while in genocidal societies like Nigeria. Eventually there will always emerge the biblical Pharaoh who did not know Joseph. And once such Pharaohs arrive in power, the vicious cycle resumes and genocide repeats itself.

It is in the light of the above truth that we know that the only real permanent solution that will prevent any future genocides of the Igbo in Nigeria is for the Igbo to be separated from Nigeria into a sovereign independent Igbo country or state.


SOURCE: MODERN GHANA