Nigeria And Nd'Igbo: 50 Years After The Civil War

President Goodluck Jonathan speaks to the media on the situation in Chibok and the success of the World Economic Forum in Abuja May 9, 2014. Image: Afolabi Sotunde/Reuters

BY GOZIE IROGBOLI

It is difficult to believe that it is over 50 years since the end of Nigeria Civil War, what with the scars and the wounds that seem to fester and become more malignant and the ensuing cold war that has refused to abate.

Although the war ended on a no-victor-no-vanquished note and a promise of reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation as pronounced by the Gowon-led federal government, yet the real war continued in a more insidious and sinister manner.

Apart from the initial punitive measures immediately after the war there has been series of obnoxious measures to stymie development in the Southeast.

There is no visible federal government presence in Igbo heartland. Every successive government follows the same repressive pattern except for the brief periods when IBB and GEJ were in power.

Thus, ndi-Igbo have continued to experience insufferable marginalization. Every geopolitical zone in the country has at least six states, only Southeast, the Igbo strong hold has five.

The Southeast has the fewest number of local government areas and is least represented in the National Assembly and in the government.

Over 70% of travelers and over 70% of importers in the country are Igbo yet the seaports in the Southeast and the geographically contiguous South-south region are made not to function.

There is no international airport in the Southeast. The only one built by GEJ has been tactically closed down for almost one year now.

They are made very vulnerable by their ubiquity in every city and every nook and cranny of the country; a clandestine design by those in power since the end of the war.

Apart from the government sphere, the war also continued in the most unusual place—in the press—that is supposed to be the bastion of truth.

The Nigerian Press in particular has been most unfair to ndi-Igbo in its reportage, analysis and interpretation of events and in gate-keeping functions.

Igbo are not in power yet they are blamed for all the woes of the nation. Hard work is mischievously misinterpreted to mean love for money. It is fashionable to attack the Igbo man and many revel in doing it.

Ndi-Igbo have continued to live like endangered species in Nigeria. They bear the brunt of every religious and politically instigated disturbance in the country.

It is disheartening that in the post-civil war Nigeria ndi-Igbo have continued to lose thousands of its own through organized and systemic riots, sometimes for inane reasons like the February 2006 attack over a cartoon in a Danish newspaper and the November 2002 Kaduna riot over Miss World Beauty pageant in Abuja. No one was arrested or tried for any of these.

The exact cause of the war has been misinterpreted and manipulated by the obscurantist and suppressionists to justify the pogrom committed and to justify the continued obnoxious policies against ndi-Igbo in Nigeria.

The popular opinion is that ndi-Igbo planned coup against Nigeria and took up arms against Nigeria. But the truth suppressed is that Ndi-Igbo did not fight Nigeria.

They acted in self defence. The coup of January 1966 was the misdemeanor of a few ideologically misguided young military officers who were goaded by false notion of patriotism.

They were influenced by the ideology of the Eastern Bloc that was the rave of the 60s and incited by the press that were in sympathy with the Action Group (AG) and its leaders jailed for plotting to overthrow the Tafawa Belewa government.

Although the bulk of the officers that planned the coup were of Igbo extraction, yet officers from other ethnic groups were also involved.

The leader of the coup, Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu, was born and bred in Kaduna. His middle name was Kaduna. He was more Hausa than Igbo. He came from Okpanam, a place he rarely visited when he was alive, in present day Delta State.

The obscurantist would not tell us that those who frustrated the-said Igbo coup were Igbo officers. General Ironsi quelled the mutiny in Lagos while Lt. Col. Ojukwu who was the garrison commander in Kano stopped the revolt in the North.

Lt. Col. Arthur Unegbe an Igbo officer who was the Quartermaster-General of the Army then was killed by the mutineers for refusing to hand in the key to the armoury. Zik of Africa was out of the country on medical treatment as at the time of the coup and could not have been killed in absentia.

The mutineers did not operate in Enugu because apparently they did not want create diplomatic row as Okpara was hosting the Prime Minister of Seychelles Island in Enugu.

Chief Ladoke Akintola was killed because he resisted the coup plotters when they came for him. The same people that killed Akintola spared Remi Fani-Kayode, drove him to Lagos and released him.

The misinterpretation of the January 1966 Coup was what led to the counter coup of July 1966 and the consequent pogrom in the North.

At four different occasions: in May 29th, July 29th, September 29th and October 29th, 1966, over 50,000 Igbo were butchered and hundreds of thousands of others raped, maimed, robbed, displaced and dehumanized in the most horrendous circumstances and till date no person or group has been held to account for that.

It is also worthy to note that the organized attack on Igbo predates the January 1966 coup. In 1945, there was attack on Ndi-Igbo in Jos and in May 1953 there was attack on Igbo in Kano over a harmless motion for self-rule moved by Enahoro on the floor of the Federal House.

Thus, the federal government refusal to protect ndi-Igbo during the genocide of 1966 and 1967 and the flagrant refusal to implement the Aburi Accord was what led the civil war.

The problem of Nigeria today is poverty, corruption and bad leadership and none of these is the making of the Igbo man. Igbo man has not been at helm of affairs since 1966 to date and yet when their traducers want to pass blame they call the Igbo man. Why would Nigerians spare the buttocks that fart and give knock to the head that has done nothing wrong?

Why are Nigerians venting their frustration on the hapless Igbo man when those who brought us to this sorry state of affairs are prancing around? Since the end of the war, they have not been in government meaning they are not the cause of the problem ravaging the land.

In fact, among the few people that have acquitted themselves creditably in public office since the current democratic dispensation are people of Igbo extraction: Dora Akunyili, Obiageli Ezekwesili, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Charles Soludo, and Peter Obi.

Nigerians should know that the injustice that led to the civil war is still staring us menacingly in the face today. Fifty years after the fratricidal war, there is no glimmer of hope of unity and national cohesion. There is no sense of nationhood.

When Martin Luther King (Jr.) said in his famous speech that he had a dream, there were discrimination, racism and white supremacists in America but he was optimistic because those who rule America were intelligent statesmen, nationalists and patriots. Nobody can say that in the present day Nigeria except hypocrites and those suffering from self-delusion.

Nigeria will benefit more from integration yet the drones that control the state affairs want the status quo sustained for parochial reasons.

Nigeria should restructure along the recommendations of the Aburi Accord or split peacefully. Other nations have done so in the past. Our so-called unity is not cast on stone. It is indeed negotiable!

SOURCE: THE NATION

Anambra Young Writers Hold First Reading In 2020

It was literary and educative as usual, as young writers in Anambra State, under the umbrella of Society of Young Nigerian Writers, Anambra State Chapter held their first reading for the year 2020, being one of their activities to herald and launch the new literary year.

The event which held at the Prof. Kenneth Dike Central E-Library, Awka, the Anambra State Capital, attracted young and established writers from the various nooks and crannies of the state who gathered to explore literature and discuss their works with people of like minds.

Speaking at the event, the convener and Coordinator of the Society of Young Nigerian Writers (Anambra State Chapter), Mr. Izunna Okafor said the reading which is the association's monthly ritual, holds on last Saturdays of every month at the library, and is primarily aimed at giving writers (both the burgeoning and the established) a platform and opportunity to showcase their talents, read, discuss and analyze their works, other literary works, and literature in general with fellow writers, as well as encouraging and promoting reading cultures.

He highlighted some of the benefits the monthly reading accrues to writers, especially the bourgeoning ones, and called on the members to take full advantage of it to maximise their creativity and potentials, even as he also called on other writers in the state to join the association, in order to peak their writing career and attain greater prominence as writers.

Mr. Okafor who himself is a published and award-winnig author rolled out some of the projects and programmes the association intends to pursue this year, to include the annual Chinua Achebe Literary Festival, membership capacity building, creative writing workshop, visiting secondary schools on poetry coaching, flagging off radio programs, among others.

Contributing, the Secretary General of the association, Miss Maureen Onyinyechi Kenneth welcomed the old and new members to the 2020 literary year, threw more lights on the registration process, and further charged the members to be dedicated and committed to their art this year than never before.

In their separate reactions, some of the new members who witnessed the reading for the first time, including Barr. Nnenna Nwafor-Orizu, Miss Jacinta Oluoha, Miss Oluchi Gloria John, Obichukwu Emeka and Onyedikachi Anyaonyeabor registered their heartfelt joy and expressed satisfaction with the process, outcome and impact of the reading, confessing their resolve to always identify with the association in all her activities.

Other old members who attended the reading, including the Financial Secretary, Mr. Valentine Muoma; Michael Ogbonnaya and Christopher Unachukwu, donated their opinions and views on the way forward of the association in the year 2020.

Society of Young Nigerian Writers is a forum for young/established writers, and literary enthusiasts in Nigeria; and has branches across the 36 states of the federation.

The Anambra Chapter of the forum has been the literary body hosting the Chinua Achebe Literary Festival which comes up annually every 16th November (Achebe's date of birth), since 2016.

SOURCE: THE NIGERIAN VOICE

IGBO POLITICS: The Imo Conundrum

BY DONS EZE

I do not like attributing a peculiar attitude, behaviour, or characteristic to any one particular group of people, language group, religious group, tribe, etc., and using it as basis for reaching a conclusion in an argument. This is because any such conclusion may not likely follow from its premises.

Besides, drawing up conclusion in an argument based on one’s place of birth or where one comes from may largely be abusive, or fallacious . In logic, we call it “Argumentum ad Hominem”. That is to say, argument based on a person’s place of birth, or his origin.”Can anything good come from Nazareth?” That was the question Nathaniel asked when he was told about the person of Jesus Christ, which is a fallacy or fallacious.

When we were growing up, they used to tell us stories about a certain group of Igbo people who were very noted for personal enjoyment, that is, who love to enjoy themselves. They would spend endless hours in beer parlours, eating and drinking, and would tell whoever cared: “Ntaruma ugba, Nghuruma mminyi, Ndi agbaagba ruruma”. (While I will be eating and drinking, let those building zinc houses continue with whatever they doing). I do not know the truthfulness or otherwise of this story, but we still joke with it.

Imo State, since the recent Supreme Court judgement where the last suddenly becomes the first, is becoming very interesting. Everybody there wants to become part of the winning team, whether that win was by fair or foul means. Nobody wants to be in opposition. Everybody wants to have a bite in the largesse of government. They all want enjoyment, no suffering.

Since Senator Hope Uzodinma was pronounced the new Governor of Imo State, things have suddenly changed. Look at the rate Imo State politicians have been resigning from their previous political parties to join the winning party. Before that Supreme Court judgement, the standing of various political parties in the Imo State House of Assembly were as follows:

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), 13 members; the Action Alliance (AA), 8 members; the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), 6 members; and the All Progressives Congress (APC), zero member.

But like the Supreme Court verdict, everything has changed. The All Progressives Congress (APC), which formerly had no member in the State Assembly, presently has 18 members, while the Peoples Democratic Party, originally with 13 members, is now having only 8 members. The rest of the other political parties have emptied their members into the APC. That is Nigerian politics for you.

We do not know what is responsible for this dramatic turn around, whether it is part of the hallmark or characteristic of this group of Igbo people who were noted for enjoyment, or whether it is externally induced, or both.

In the present political dispensation, Imo State appears to be the only state in the country that does not have attachment to any political party. They always change political parties like undies.

At the onset of the current democratic governance in 1999, Imo people voted for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which had Achike Udenwa as its Gubernatorial flag bear. When Achike Udenwa served out his tenure as Governor in 2007, Imo people switched over to the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), with Ikedi Ohakim flying the Gubernatorial flag of the party. Ohakim later left PPA and decamped to the Peoples Democratic Party as Governor.

In 2011, Imo people abandoned both the PDP and Ikedi Ohakim, and voted for the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) with Rochas Okorocha as Gubernatorial candidate. Okorocha later left APGA and crossed over to the All Progressives Congress (APC), and the Imo people followed him there.

When Rochas Okorocha was in his best elements, virtually every Imo person was singing his praises and hailing him. They saw Okorocha as their redeemer, but at the twilight of Okorocha’s administration, Imo people turned their back on him. That was why in spite of the larger than life presence of Rochas Okorocha during the last general election, the people of Imo State voted for the PDP and Emeka Ihedioha.

Now that the Supreme Court has thought otherwise and proclaimed Hope Uzodinma of the APC as the winner of the March 9, 2019 Gubernatorial election in the state, Imo people begin to troop back in large numbers to the APC. Even Okorocha who previously had proclaimed Hope Uzodinma as his worst enemy, has suddenly turned round to embrace the man.

Thus, while some people may believe pressures from outside to be the reason for what is currently happening in Imo State, others, however, impugn financial inducements and the character of some Imo people, who are pleasure loving, as actually responsible.

Many people are still in dilemma, going by what is presently happening in this self-acclaimed “Igbo heartland”, whether Imo people could still be counted in the struggle of the Igbo people to have a respectable place in the Nigerian political scene. Perhaps, they may be tempted to describe the people of Imo State as unreliable, or not to be trusted in the struggle for the Igbo cause.

Imo State under Rochas Okorocha was their target for a berth in their plan to capture Igboland, but that had failed to materialise. Will the new man in the saddle provide that launch pad? We keep our fingers crossed. Interestingly, they had told us that they will capture three states in the South East in 2023!

We do not want to insinuate that everybody in Imo State is cash and carry, or not principled. On the contrary. There are many respectable and responsible people in Imo State who are in tune with the Igbo cause. They should stamp their feet and not allow the few bad eggs in their midst to dent or spoil their credentials.

SOURCE: NATIONAL ACCORD

Uzodinma Forfeits Security Votes

Hope Uzodinma

BY GIBSON ACHONU

OWERRI (PUNCH)--Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, on Wednesday announced that he had forfeited his security vote to enable him to meet up with the economic challenges in the state, especially the payment of salaries and pension.

The governor spoke when he met with the Imo Economic Development Initiative led by Prof. Maurice Iwu, at the Government House in Owerri.

He said he took the decision because of paucity of funds.

He also revealed that his next plan was to establish power and petrochemical plants, boost electricity supply and review the 2020 budget to address the current problems militating against development in the state.

The governor also announced plans to launch a special security outfit to tackle criminals, revealing that over 100 vehicles had been procured for the purpose.

“A new Sheriff is in town and I must deliver,” he said.

Copyright PUNCH.

Defections: PDP Seeks Fresh Assembly Poll In Imo

Kola Ologbondiyan. Image courtesy of Punch

BY SUCCESS NWOGU

ABUJA (PUNCH)--The Peoples Democratic Party on Wednesday urged the Independent National Electoral Commission to conduct fresh elections in those Imo State constituencies where state lawmakers elected on the platform of the PDP defected to the All Progressives Congress.

The PDP National Publicity Secretary, Mr Kola Ologbondiyan, made the call at a press conference in Abuja.

He said the lawmakers had decided to abdicate the mandate they held on the PDP platform to defect to the APC for their alleged selfish gains.

He described their action as unpatriotic and an unpardonable betrayal of the people of their respective constituencies who chose and identified with the ideals and visions of the PDP as the platform for their representation at the state assembly.

He said, “The PDP holds that the defectors are fully aware of the grave implication of their actions to the effect that by their defection to the APC, they have automatically lost their seats and membership of the Imo State House of Assembly as they can only hold such position on the mandate of the party on which they were elected, the PDP.

“It is settled under the 1999 Constitution (as amended), that a legislator who defects from a party on the platform of which he was elected a member of a legislative house automatically loses his or her membership of that house as the seat belongs to the political party and not the individual.

“These defectors have vacated their seats; they no longer have a place in the state assembly, as there is no division or merger of any kind in the PDP at any level whatsoever.

“The PDP is therefore left with no other option but to request the INEC to immediately commence the processes for the conduct of fresh elections into the respective state constituencies where the legislators have vacated their seats, in line with the provisions of the 1999 Constitution.”

Copyright PUNCH.

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Imo State House Of Opportunists

Joel Nwokeoma. Image: Facebook

BY JOEL NWOKEOMA

Everybody knew it was going to happen. It was as clear as daylight follows darkness: the defection of the members of the Imo State House of Assembly from the now dismantled ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party, to the new ruling party, the All Progressives Congress. It was just a matter of days, political observers predicted. Admittedly, this is not strange in Nigerian politics. The only thing strange would have been if it never happened at all as it has been ingrained in the DNA of Nigerian politicians, shorn of any pretensions to discernible ideology, agenda and principles, to crawl to the political divide where their pastures are evidently greener and their proverbial bread more buttered. In pursuit of the Fayosian stomach infrastructure political tendency.

But nobody ever envisaged what has happened in the Imo Assembly in the last couple of days would be so sudden. Even a Rev. Fr. Ejikeme Mbaka, famed for his prophecy that changed the Imo political landscape, may not have got it spot on that, less than seven days after the change of guard in the state, occasioned by the Supreme Court judgement on January 14, which sacked the PDP’s Emeka Ihedioha as governor of the state and ordered the APC’s Hope Uzodinma to be sworn in immediately in his stead, the PDP lawmakers, until now in the majority with 18 out of the 27 members of the state assembly, would speedily dash to the camp of the opposing APC like a goat on heat. The apex court had declared Uzodinma, who originally came fourth, the winner of the March 9 governorship election in the state.

Days after the judgement that effected the unplanned shift of power locus, nine members of the House of Assembly, including the Minority Leader, Ekene Nnodumele (Orlu, APGA), quickly defected to the APC. Others were four members of the Action Alliance, namely, Arthur Egwim, (Ideato North); Obinna Okwara, (Nkwere); Johnson Duru (Ideato South) and Ngozi Obiefule (Isu); two from the All Progressive Grand Alliance (the minority leader and Paul Emeziem, Onuimo) and three others from the PDP (Amarachi Iwuanyanwu, Nwangele; Chidiebere Ogbunikpa, Okigwe, and Hercles Okoro, Ohaji/Egbema). Then, on Tuesday, the mother of all defections took place when the Speaker, Collins Chiji, led seven other members of his party (PDP) on a mass defection to the APC, thereby automatically handing over an absolute majority to the APC, which on inauguration of the eighth assembly on June 9 had no single member! Aboard the train in this latest self-aggrandising expedition are Uche Ogbuagu (Ikeduru), Dominic Ezerioha (Oru West) Chigozie Nwaneri (Oru East), Kanayo Onyemaechi (Owerri West), Kennedy Ibe (Obowo) Onyemaechi Njoku (Ihitte/Uboma), and Eddy Obinna (Aboh Mbaise). Obinna, incidentally, is the person representing Ihedioha at the parliament and until the judgement the bride of the parliament because of his closeness to the ousted governor, while Ogbuagu, the famous comedian and owner of a radio station, was an Ihedioha ally and accompanied him to his overseas trip shortly before his ouster. That, however, is the nature of politicians, ever unreliable and unpredictable.

The reasons adduced for the defections range from the ludicrous to the preposterous and to the outright absurd. The speaker said it was to “engender executive-legislative working relationship” while Ogbuagu, in a signed statement, said his was “inevitable following the ugly circumstances and unfair treatment meted out to me by the PDP.” Then, Ihedioha’s representative said, “Since we lost the case at the Supreme Court, I have tried several times to call Emeka Ihedioha without succeeding, tried to reach him to no avail. How am I expected to work with a leader who abandons his followers whenever tragedy happens?” As if that was not bad enough, the state PDP chairman, Charles Ezekwem, abandoned the ship midway in troubled waters on Tuesday, saying, “There was a conspiracy to disgrace me out of office two days to the Supreme Court’s judgment. They contacted somebody who will replace me but the plot leaked…I resigned to save my political career.” All self-serving concoctions.

Following the gale of defections, however, the APC now has 18 lawmakers with the PDP having just eight and the AA left with a solitary member. (Uju Onwudiwe (Njaba), who was declared the winner of the supplementary election held last Saturday, on the AA platform, has not been sworn in by the speaker, but if her antecedents are anything to go by, she is in the warm embrace of the APC the moment she is sworn in anytime soon.) Ironically, barely a month ago, the House had a membership comprising the PDP 18, the AA eight, and the APC and APGA one each.

As close watchers of political developments in the country are wont to agree, political prostitution has been the defining feature of the Fourth Republic, though defection in Nigeria’s political history dates back to the First Republic, in that episodic incident at the Western Regional House of Assembly when lawmakers earlier elected on the banner of the National Council of Nigerians and Cameroons, later changed to the National Council of Nigerian Citizens, led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, “cross-carpeted” to the opposing Action Group led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, denying Azikiwe the simple majority his party needed to form the government of the region. Some political scientists like Okwudiba Nnoli argue that that was the origin of ethnic politics in Nigeria. Nnoli, in particular, has a seminal work aptly titled, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (1978), discussing this phenomenon. But what unfolded in Imo State this week is unprecedented and perfidious. For the eight years Peter Obi, then of APGA, governed Anambra State, the opposition PDP dominated the 30-member state House of Assembly. Even though APGA has its root in Anambra, the PDP lawmakers stayed put in their party. Little wonder, the state experienced its golden era during that period. Currently, the PDP’s Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto is governing a state whose legislature has the APC enjoying a narrow majority of 15 to 14. That balance is needed to check executive excesses.

There is no report any of the Imo lawmakers held a consultative meeting with their constituents whom they begged with salt and pepper eight months ago for this same job before defection. Apparently, there is no need for the electorate anymore because after elections, voters are expendable entities to political actors. As an electoral system analyst, Jide Ojo, said, “What those MPs did is a flagrant abuse of legal provisions on defection. There must be division in their former party which I am unaware is the situation in Imo.” Opportunism trumped procedures.

Now, if lawmakers represent the sensibilities, aspirations, value propositions, and interests of their constituents, when did those Imo lawmakers consult their constituencies before embarking on their mass defections? If not, why can’t the various constituencies start a recall process to defang this band of opportunists masquerading as democrats? Section 109 (1)(g) of the constitution which provides that, “a member of the House of Assembly shall vacate his seat in the House if …(g) being a person whose election to the House of Assembly by a political party, he becomes a member of another political party before the expiration of the period for which that House was elected” supports this position. Otherwise, the court should be approached by aggrieved constituents to adjudicate on this matter.

In a piece entitled, Nigerian politicians as kalo kalo players, (The PUNCH, August 10, 2018), I observed that when the selfish interests of politicians “are no more served or their positions are weakened in one platform, you see them engage in hollow consultations to seek rapprochement even with fellows they had viciously fought with the night before.” That was what happened in Imo.

I noted that “until the electorate realise that the politicians, who tread this landscape, are same of the same, can change camps at the drop of the hat, care less about how many are killed by bandits on the road and at home, without any fightback of note from underequipped and underwhelming security agencies, or die in unresourced hospitals or are holed up in underfunded schools while their children get the best from public funds overseas, they will continue to wail…election after election.”

I reiterate the need for systematic citizen mobilisation and engagement by civil society and vigourous enlightenment by the media to bring an end to this reign of transactional politics that favours only the politicians in order to unleash the potent force of democracy in Nigeria. Let more people with pedigree and what Muiz Banire called Alternative Address take to politics, however dirty it may be, to salvage our democracy. Like Charles de Gaulle said, politics is too serious a matter to be left to the politicians. Sad that under Rochas Okorocha, the joke in Imo was, Akpuola gi? (Have you been moulded?) Now, it is, Idifectikwala? (Have you not defected?)

Contact Nwokeoma at: Jnwokeoma@punchng.com Phone: 07085183894

Imo Legislators’ Hasty Alliance With Uzodimma Dangerous

Hope Uzodinma

BY GILBERT EKEZIE

An entrepreneur and Chairman/ Chief Executive Officer of Jude Elswitch Limited, Dr Jude Adindu Nnanna has expressed fears over the quick alliance by some members of the Imo State House of Assembly from PDP, APGA and AA with the incumbent governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma, describing it as a dangerous game that may not be for the best interest of the people. He also called on Ihedioha to go back to the drawing board and wait for another opportunity.

What is your reaction on the recent Supreme Court ruling on Imo State Governorship election of March 9, 2019?

Though, I am not an expert in law but I had the opportunity to read people and some experts’ opinions too, on the matter and, all they are saying is that the Supreme Court dealt with the facts and evidence before them, and gave the judgment. I can only look at it politically and the internal political arrangement in the state. The tripod on which Imo State politics is based, has been disoriented. We have Owerri, Okigwe and Orlu zones in the state and justice and equity demand that it is the turn of Owerri zone to produce the governor, which they did. Unfortunately, it has happened the way it did. So, now the pendulum has been changed by the ruling of the Supreme court that Hope Uzodimma from the same Orlu zone that had already ruled the state for 16 years before Ihedioha came in, should continue. Obviously, that is going to bring a disaffection among the people, no matter how anybody may see it.

I believe that you read Ihedioha’s statement to the people of Imo State after he was sacked by the Supreme Court, could you react on that?

No doubt, the Supreme Court’s verdict, came as a rude shock and surprise, considering the facts on ground, legal precedence and clear verdict of Imo People on March 9, 2019, that returned him as governor, with the highest valid votes of 273,404. He did not agree with the judgement and described it as unfair, unjust and does not reflect the voting that took place during the elections. He also said the ruling did not take care of the sensibilities of the people of Imo State. But as a true democrat, he had no option, but to respect the outcome of that judgement. He promised that he and his team shall always cherish the tremendous goodwill and support given to them as they grappled with setting up a new administration to rebuild a state that was devastated by bad governance. Notwithstanding, he still went ahead to appeal to all Imolites, especially his teeming supporters to remain calm and to shun any action that is capable of resulting in a breach of the peace, and that there can always be different parties, but only one Imo State. Having looked at the above statements, I see him as a man of peace who wants Imo to move forward, knowing full well that there are more and better opportunities tomorrow.

Ihedioha urged Imo people to extend to Uzodimma, the same support they gave to him, as it is his wish that his successor will continue on the path he had set for the rebuilding of Imo State. How does that go with you?

I think he did that as one who has a good spirit and that is how it is supposed to be. There is need for Imo people to support Uzodimma’s government, so that he would consolidate on the progress and milestones Ihedioha’s administration achieved within seven months. I heard him thanking all for their support which saw him achieve so much and reversed the negative trajectory of Imo State within a space of seven months. He said Imo State was looking good again and was declared the least corrupt state in the country, the fastest state growing economy in Nigeria and the most improved, in terms of the deployment of Information Technology in service delivery. He also said that Imo infrastructure was significantly coming to life; civil servants and pensioners were now being paid as and when due and optimism returned to Imo State. It is on record that we were acclaimed as the most sports and Diaspora friendly state. Most importantly, we returned life and activities to our local governments. Yes, we had good plans to make Imo the centre piece of commerce, industry, technology, tourism by providing good leadership and first class infrastructure. Under our watch, Imo became safe with our systematic approach to securing lives and property.

Ihedioha claimed that his mandate was truncated and cut short by the Supreme Court, in contravention of the will of the people, even when he had a good relationship with the people and employed regular consultations and dialogue as a tool of political discourse; what are the expectations from the new government?
The expectations are not far-fetched. Agreed that many are aggrieved on the outcome of the Supreme court ruling, but that will not last for too long. We need to move on for the best interest of our state.

Did you foresee his emergence as governor?

Not at all, and I think nobody did. Even a pool stake in his permutation, could not have imagined that things could turn out the way it did. It all came to all as a surprise. It has beaten all our imagination and they say in our usual parlance that it could be that the hand of God is in it. So, we pray that his emergence should be for the interest of Imo people. Looking at his name Hope, Uzodimma and Imo State being known formally as the Land of Hope, we may believe that Hope has come to govern the Land of Hope. Therefore, it is expected that Imo people will no longer continue to hope, as this is the fulfillment of all our hopes. We are not going to ask whether the road will be good; it is good already as his surname, Uzodimma implies because there is something in a name. Hopefully, the long awaited hope, has come to fulfillment.

What is your advice for the people of Imo state?
I believe that Imo State is suffering from the same political problem Nigeria is having. If we think about political re-engineering and re-orientation, whereby when you talk about democracy, everybody should feel being carried along. And, the judgment has been passed, and unfortunately to some people, the Supreme Court put to rest every other discussions. Senator Hope Uzodimma is like a child of circumstance, a destiny child, because ordinarily, if the first is disqualified, the second would have taken the position. But unfortunately, you could see that the fourth now took the first position. So, my advice is that we should give him the support. Imo state is our own. There is nothing we can do about it.

As a stakeholder in Imo State, what do you think are the expectations of Governor Hope Uzodimma?
I want him to run an all-inclusive government, by carrying people along. He should be spiritual, think, seek advice and have an open door policy. He has the opportunity to still play his card and role well. He should not discontinue certain projects Ihedioha started. He should invite people and study the projects and anyone that is for the good and general interest of the people, he should adopt them. It has nothing to do with political party but about people of the state. Meritocracy should be his watchword. He should profile the people, those who have the merit, should be co-opted into the government. Those who have shown some pedigrees and have done well in their various fields, those who through their opinions or actions, have shown sincerity and honesty to work for the state, should be co opted. He has a history to make. He has history to make and therefore put party politics aside.

Many received the news of the removal of Ihedioha with shock, why was it so?
I will say that 100 percent of Imo people received the news with shock. Some had pleasant shock, while others were unpleasantly shocked because nobody saw it coming. Though many say it was played out of a written script by some powers, whether physical or spiritual, that is a different issue. All I know is that we were all taken by surprise. However, the Uzodimma we are talking about is a big fish in the field of politics, not a push-over. He also has his own followers. As we are talking, many of his opponents, including the House of Assembly members have come to pinch tent with him.

How do you see the alliance, especially that of Imo Legislators who were not members of APC with Governor Uzodimma?

Yes, we read that some Imo House of Assembly members from PDP, APGA and AA have joined APC that had no single member in the House. In fact, it is dangerous for such spontaneous alliance to take place. I wish it is for the good of Imo people. It is just like an enemy to your enemy becoming your friend.

What is your advice to Ihedioha concerning the issue?

Emeka Ihedioha should take it as an act of God, and should therefore go back to the drawing board. Believe me, within the next four years, if the people, out of sympathy, feel he was robbed, they will definitely bring him back. He is part of Imo State and should not cut off himself. He should try to show his relevance in the state, even in his private capacity and one-time governor of the state.

On what areas do you want Governor Uzodimma to focus for now?

Good road is for everybody, and it is a duty the government owes the people. The government of Ihedioha made Imo roads motorable and people are commending him for the palliative measures. That enhanced flow of traffic at major areas across the state. And, if he was able to do that within seven months, it means, he would have done more if given the opportunity. Therefore, Senator Hope Uzodimma should take the issue of roads in Imo State as his priority for now, followed by other projects and programmes.

SOURCE: SUN NEWS

Obiano Floats Free Medical Scheme For Ex-Biafran Soldiers

Anambra State Governor Willie Obiana. Image: Facebook

BY TONY OKAFOR

AWKA (PUNCH)--Governor Willie Obiano of Anambra State has announced a free medical scheme for ex-Biafran soldiers in the state.

He said the gesture was part of the activities marking the 50th anniversary of the Nigerian Civil War.

The war, which lasted from 1967 to 1970, was between pro-secessionists of the defunct Eastern Region led by the late Chukwuemeka Ojukwu and the Federal Government.

The state Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment, Mr Don Adinuba, said the veterans would receive medical treatment through the Anambra State Health Insurance Scheme.

He said also included in the free health scheme were former players of the Rangers International Football Club of Enugu who played for the team between 1970 and early 1980s.

He said, “This is in recognition of their pre-eminent role in lifting up the spirit of Igbo people at the end of the civil war.

“The veterans are, therefore, required to register with the state health insurance scheme. A committee to conduct a census of the veterans is to be set up shortly under the leadership of Air Vice Marshall Ben Chiobi (retd.).

“The committee has one month to submit a list of all the veterans in the state regardless of whether they are indigenes of Anambra State or not.”

Adinuba added that since Obiano assumed office in March 2014, a large number of people had approached the governor for financial assistance for the veterans, just as many of them had been soliciting help directly.

“Most of the veterans are now old and frail and a good number of them suffer from various disabilities as a result of gunshots and other war-related experiences. In other words, they cannot fend for themselves and many of them do not have relatives rich enough to take care of them.”

Copyright PUNCH.

Contact: theeditor@punchng.com

Gender Violence: South East With Highest Number Of Cases — NHRC

Illustration via National Catholic Reporter

BY CHINONSO ALOZIE

OWERRI (VANGUARD)--The South-East zone has topped other regions in Nigeria, with the highest number on Sexual and Gender-Based Violence, SGBV, in Nigeria. The Executive Secretary National Human Rights Commission, NHRC, Tony Ojukwu, yesterday in Owerri, made the disclosure on the ongoing public hearing and investigation into cases of sexual-based violence in the country.

He added that out of the 114 cases received from the six geo-political zones of the country, that South East region has 41 number of the cases. 

It was followed by South-South (26) North Central (19), South West (15) and North East (4). According to Ojukwu, “The core mandate of the Commission is to promote, protect and enforce the human rights of Nigerians and all living within the country. In realizing these mandate, the Commission can investigate all alleged cases of human rights violations as well as monitoring developments in various thematic areas. 

“Human rights; assisting victims of human rights violations through appropriate awards and compensation; bringing its findings to the attention of the government to ensure government compliance with its international and regional human rights obligations, etc. 

“So far, the Panel has received one hundred and fourteen (114) complaints/memo across the six (6) geo-political zones with South East accounting for the highest number of forty-one (41) representing 36% of the total complaints received. North Central accounts for nineteen (19); North West has twelve (12); South-South has twenty-six (26); South West fifteen (12); and North East four (4). 

“This is to enable the panel to have firsthand information on a different type of cases being handled/managed by the centres. The Commission after its sittings in Owerri will replicate this sitting in Abakaliki, Benin City, Calabar, Kano, Yola and a return to Abuja to complete pending complaints before it. 

“This will enable all victims of all SGBV all over the federation to be heard. We, therefore, urge other victims of sexual and gender-based violence to forward their complaints to the Panel. The Panel assures of adequate protection of identity whereof victim(s).

” He highlighted further that, “The essence of this Public sitting is to check the scourge of sexual and gender-based violence in Nigeria and increase access of Nigerians to the services of the Commission to seek for accountability where there is evidence to indicate that any officer or officials or any individuals have been involved in acts of sexual and gender-based violence. 

“The public sitting is also to provide opportunities for a fair hearing to both complainants and alleged violators and to mainstream human rights norms and tenets into the operations of AEPB, Law enforcement officials and members of the public, etc in line with global best practices and internationally accepted human rights standards. 

“The public inquiry will furthermore provide stakeholders opportunity to contribute ideas on how best to develop guidelines and policy on sexual and gender-based violence for institutions, MDAs, public and private organizations and homes that can serve as good practices against the backdrop of reported cases of abuse. 

“May I use this opportunity to commend the complainants and the public for the courage to lodge their complaints and submit memoranda to this Panel despite some reported cases of intimidation. 

“I want to assure all that this Panel and the Commission will adhere to the principles of a fair hearing in discharging its functions and will not stand idle and watch while the fundamental human rights of citizens being trampled upon and violated by law enforcement agencies, entities or individuals. 

“The Panel will sit in private when the situation demands to protect the victims from stigmatization and other challenges associated with Sexual and Gender-Based Violence cases.”

SOURCE: VANGUARD

INTERVIEW: Ojukwu Gave Me Staff Of Office In Chekwas Okorie’s Presence

Nnanna Ukaegbu

BY UGOCHUKWU ALARIBE

All Progressive Grand Alliance, APGA, chieftain, Prince Nnanna Ukaegbu, speaks on the crisis rocking the party and the call for election in Abia North among other issues.

 BY UGOCHUKWU ALARIBE

EXCERPTS:

Your party, APGA, has been torn apart by crisis. What is the way forward? 

APGA has no elected official across the federation. There was an attempt albeit illegally to organize congresses to elect national, state, local government and ward officers of the party which was apposite to the APGA Constitution. The tenure of the last executive expired on the 15th of May 2019. A High Court in Ibadan, Oyo State ordered then-national executive of the party to hold a national convention and other congresses on or before 15th of May, 2019 which was their last day in office. Under the APGA Constitution, only the sitting executive committee can conduct elective congresses. The APGA Constitution also envisages a situation whereby the executive may not be able to conduct elective congresses within its tenure. In such instance, the Constitution provides for convocation of a national convention solely for the purpose of extending the tenure of the executive committee by not more than 90 days. In this instance, this was not done, the party waited for the expiration of their tenure. But rather than seek for extension after their tenure, they proceeded to organize congresses after a court had found that their tenure had expired. Another court in Kwale , Delta State, struck out the congresses they held. And as of today, APGA has no valid ward, local government, state, zonal and national officers. Anybody parading himself as such is fake and deceiving the public. Conversely, owing to the order of court in Abia State, I remain in office pending the determination of the substantive suit we filed. The order of the court pronouncing me Chairman is now subject to a suit at the Court of Appeal. Until this order is set aside, I remain in office. Therefore, I’m the only remaining officer of APGA across the federation. Other offices have expired by effluxion of time. I am technically the Acting National Chairman of APGA and I have written to INEC informing them about the state of affairs in the party as well as my desire to proceed to convene the relevant congresses and convention to elect new officers of the party.

 Way forward for APGA 

The way forward is to return to the APGA Constitution and the visions of the founding fathers of the party. I’m in touch with most of the founding fathers of APGA, they are not happy with the sordid state of affairs in the party. Some of them have left, but I have a special covenant with APGA, and without risk of contradiction, I hold the sacred ‘ofo’ of the party given to me on the 17th of January, 2004 by Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu at Ikot Ekpene, Akwa Ibom State and witnessed by the founding chairman of APGA, Chief Chekwas Okorie and Chief Onwuka Ukwa. That ‘ofo’ resides with me till date. I can’t abandon it for anything; this is why I remain in APGA. And this is why I am committed to putting the party back on track on the vision of its founding fathers.

On Board of Trustees’ Chairman, Gov. Willie Obiano

 I leave him to be judged by history. If he is doing well, it is up to him. If he is paying Ojukwu in good coin, it is also up to him.

Why has APGA not won any state beside Anambra? 

This is not true. APGA won Imo State in 2011. In 2015, we were on the verge of winning Abia before the forces of darkness truncated that victory. It is still the same forces of darkness that had kept the party in limbo. The struggle for the soul of APGA and to reposition the party started after the 2019 elections .I know before the 2021 polls in Anambra, we will get our acts together. APGA will show why it is a mass oriented party. We are sure of not only retaining Anambra, but also overriding the South-East. We won’t zone gov ticket for Anambra 2021 — PDP Abia North no longer has representation in the Senate following the imprisonment of Chief Orji Uzor Kalu.

What is your take on the matter? 

There is nothing strange in Abia North not having a representative at the Senate. I rely on the pronouncement of the Federal High Court, Lagos Division while ruling on Kalu’s application for bail. One of the grounds Kalu relied for bail was that he ought to be allowed to go and represent his senatorial district who voted for him. And the judge reminded him that his senatorial district knew he was under trial and they also knew the likelihood of his conviction and voted him. So, the senatorial district knew the risk they were taking by voting and this can no longer be used as an excuse for bail. The senatorial zone took the risk and now they are suffering it. The only unique thing in the case of Kalu and Abia North is the reluctance of the Senate to apply the basic laws under Sections 66 and 68 of the Constitution which talk about the issue of eligibility for membership of legislative houses in Nigeria. From December 5th when he was convicted, Kalu ceased to be a member of the Senate. This is the law of the land.

Under which law are people saying he should be allowed to exhaust his right to appeal? 

Those canvassing such views are relying on the provisions of the Electoral Act, but they forgot that the Constitution supersedes the Act. The provision of the law that an a elected member will remain in office until he exhausts his right of appeal only relate stop the challenge to the seat which he occupies, not when it rests on his qualification to assume office. The Nigerian Constitution provides qualification for a person to be a member of the Senate or the House of Representatives. One of the qualifications is that you must not be under a sentence from any court in Nigeria bordering on fraud or financial misappropriation. Therefore, with his imprisonment by the court, Kalu has lost the qualification to continue to sit in the Senate or receive allowances. This is the position of the law. It was not made to victimize Kalu, it was stated clearly in our law books.

Are you not worried that the matter took more than eight years before conclusion? 

I am not worried; the issue is that in Nigeria we are yet to determine if we really want to fight corruption or condone it. And the APC led Federal Government is guilty of double standard in the anti graft war. If government is really committed to fight corruption, the Senate won’t have said they will continue to pay Kalu’s salaries and allowances until he exhausts his right of appeal. In America, would a convicted senator remain in his position receiving salaries? There are cases on the matter, but in Nigeria, look at what the Senate said, trying to circumvent the law. It is a dangerous precedent; I pray they understand the implication of their action on the matter. We have already written the INEC asking them to come and conduct another election in the zone. We have given them seven-day ultimatum to activate the process of conducting fresh election in the zone. We have also written to the Senate President Ahmed Lawan to respect his oath of office to uphold the laws of the land.

How can the Senate make a statement that the Abia North seat is not vacant and that Kalu will be receiving salaries? 

It is an embarrassing to read such statement confirming illegality from a majestic body like the Senate. Even if Kalu gets bail, his conviction by the court stands. A conviction by a court of competent jurisdiction is not subject to stay of execution. The wording of the Constitution on conviction has nothing to do with bail or being free to move about. The operative word is under a sentence from a court. Therefore, Kalu has been sentenced by a court of competent jurisdiction and no longer fit to sit in the hallowed chambers of the Senate. This is the law.

 Marginalization of Ndigbo 

It is the turn of Ndigbo to produce the President of Nigeria. Until we do, the civil war still rages. Until Jimmy Carter who hails from the South of America became the President of the US, the country never really saw their civil war come to an end. Until an Igbo becomes President, the civil war has not ended.


SOURCE: VANGUARD

Imo Guber Election And Supreme Court Judgment

BY KENNETH OKONKWO

Robert H. Jackson, a judge of the American Supreme Court, introspectively said of his court, “we are not final because we are infallible, but we are infallible only because we are final”. This is an admission by a respected jurist from America that even the Supreme Court is fallible but because of their finality, their decision is binding on all. The major pillar of democracy is a periodic, free, fair and credible election. Another pillar of democracy is rule of law and yet another important pillar of democracy is an impartial and independent judiciary. The election is purely carried on by politicians, so also is the making of the law, which forms the foundation of the election. This means that if the politicians decide today to play by the rules during elections, which they gave to themselves, and honourably accept the outcomes of elections, the judiciary will become irrelevant to the political evolution of Nigeria.

Throughout my adult life, it was only once that the American presidential election was settled by the Supreme Court and even at that, the loser at the Supreme Court, Al Gore, disagreed with the judgment but accepted it. The whole world was sympathetic to him because he won the popular vote with 50,999,897 votes to George Walker Bush’s 50,456,002 votes. But the law in America is that presidential election is won, not by popular votes, but by electoral votes. Each state is allocated an electoral vote depending on certain criteria and whoever wins the state, wins the electoral vote of the state. There is a total of 537 electoral votes and whoever wins 270 electoral votes is declared the winner irrespective of whatever is his popular vote. To make the matter more painful for Al Gore, the determinant state in dispute, Florida, was governed by Jeb Bush, the younger brother of his main opponent, George Bush. The difference in popular votes in Florida was about 300 and it was believed that some votes from some polling units were unaccounted for. Some votes were also unjustifiably excluded. Eventually, the electoral vote of Florida was added to George Bush and he scored 271 electoral votes as against Al Gore’s 266 to clinch the Presidency. It was his experience in that election that inspired him to make the popular statement that in an election everybody must ensure that not only should every vote be counted, but that every vote counts.

Whenever a judgment is given by any court, before you criticize, you must first of all ask what the law says about it. In Imo election, Emeka Ihedioha scored 273,404 votes, but did not score 25% of the votes in two third of the 27 LGAs of Imo State and was declared the winner of the election. He scored 25% in about 12 LGAs, whereas he needed to have scored 25% in about 18 LGAs to be declared the winner. INEC was, therefore, wrong in declaring him the winner because the law states that one must have the highest number of votes cast, including scoring 25% of the votes in two third of the 27 LGAs before being declared the winner. INEC would have ordered a rerun election between the first two candidates to determine the eventual winner. (Please see Section 179 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria as amended). Hope Uzodinma scored 96,458 votes, but claimed that his votes in 388 units amounting to about 213,667 votes were wrongfully excluded by INEC, which if added to his score will give him victory in the election by a total of about 310,125 votes. The Supreme Court agreed with him and declared him winner. The law is that INEC has no power to exclude the valid votes of a candidate.

But the cardinal question is if votes from 388 units were excluded, why would INEC go further to declare a winner, when the position of the law is that if the number of voters in the voters’ register in the polling units where elections did not hold exceed the difference between the votes garnered by the first two candidates in an election, INEC shall not declare a winner, but order a rerun to determine the eventual winner. The rerun in this case is for all the candidates in the election not only for the first two candidates. This is because the results of the final election may affect the outcome of the election. This was why Prince Abubakar Audu was not declared the winner of the Kogi election, but a rerun was rather ordered by INEC. It is obvious that by the number of votes, 213, 669, Hope Uzodimma adduced were excluded from his votes, the number of voters in the voters’ register in the 388 polling units exceed the difference between the votes of the first two candidates which stood at 273,404 – 190,364 = 83,040 on the day INEC declared Emeka Ihedioha the duly elected governor of Imo State. The Supreme Court has decided in Wike’s case that it is the number of voters in the voters’ register that is considered when determining over voting not the number of accredited voters by the card reader, so INEC’s argument of over voting based on the accredited voters as reason to exclude the results cannot be legally sustained because the votes were still less than the voters in the register of the 388 units. We must also note that if the number of accredited voters in the excluded polling units are added to the total number of accredited voters in the declared results, it may add up. So ab initio, in the eyes of the law, Emeka Ihedioha did not win the Imo State election. The blame for the electoral quagmire in Imo State should first and foremost be laid on the doorsteps of INEC.

However, is the law which holds that it is the manual register that will be considered in determining over voting rather than the card reader just? It is obvious that even if the number of votes acclaimed excluded are less than the number in the manual register but more than the accredited voters, it is commonsensical that there is over voting otherwise the whole essence of accreditation would be defeated. Unfortunately this is so because the card reader has not been recognised in the Electoral Act which also prohibits electronic voting or transmission of results (Please see Section 52(2) of the Electoral Act 2010, as amended). If the law seems unjust, INEC fails to perform its duty rightly, politicians fail to play politics fairly and by the rules, it would not be surprised for the Supreme Court to deliver judgement questionably. It is a systemic abuse and failure.

Politicians and INEC should immediately repent from their electoral dubiousness. They must realise that no condition is permanent. The unjust rules you make today may be used against you tomorrow. The Electoral Act must be urgently amended to make it rather difficult for a politician to bring in such volume of results to INEC and make it impossible for INEC to reject them. The conduct of INEC in the 2019 Imo elections must be thoroughly investigated with a view to sanctioning the erring officials to deter others in future. Our Courts must rise to such occasions to give judgement based on justice and not claim to follow rigidly some provisions of a statute that will lead to absurdity. History has shown that great jurists of the past have interpreted the law purposefully to guarantee justice, after all, one of the canons of interpretation of the law, gives judges the right to depart from the ordinary meaning of the words of a statute if applying it will lead to absurdity. It appears to me that awarding a politician votes in excess of the accredited votes looks absurd no matter the position of the law because it couldn’t have been the intendment of the framers of the law to have votes in excess of the accredited voters. Justice must not only be done but must be seen as done. Justice in Imo election may have been done but it may not have been seen as done. This means that we need to do more to sanitize our elections and make them more acceptable to all in future.

The ball is not in the judiciary’s court, it lies squarely in the politicians’ court. If the Okorocha clan and the Hope Uzodimma clan had worked together to contest under the APC ticket, Hope Uzodimma would have won outrightly and this would have prevented all this embarrassment on everybody. If the PDP had given us an Electoral Act that addressed these challenges during its 16 years sojourn at Aso Rock, they may not be on the receiving end today. If APC fails to perfect the Electoral Act today, they may be at the receiving end tomorrow. There is no doubt that history can be mad at times but history must be made all the time. Truth be told, there are periods when politics can be unfair but politicians must learn to disagree at times but accept the outcome of results for the common good of themselves and their party.

They must avoid the courts as means of settling political disagreements. Political disagreements are better settled politically through dialogue, negotiations and compromise. Four years is around the corner and the patient dog eats the fattest bone. They must realize that God rules in the affairs of men and all powers are ordained by God. He gives power to whom He wishes and we must submit ourselves to the majesty of His heavenly Lordship. The rulers of the earth may be the Kings but God is the King of kings. The judges may be the lords but God is the Lord of lords. Since history seemed to be mad in Imo election, I submit that the best authority to appeal to is God and let His will be done in Imo state.

BOOK REVIEW: Igbo: A people On The Brink

BY CHIDIEBERE IWUOHA

 A Nation On The Brink
 By Ukaegbu Chukwunenye Napoleon
Keoni Networks, Okada books
 448pp;  2019



A Nation on the Brink, written by Ukaegbu Chukwunenye Napoleon, a young Nigerian based in the United Kingdom, consists of 20 chapters and divided into two parts. It is a product of ten-year research into the problems of Africa and the entire black race. Having seen the situation of black people in the Western World, the author decided he would look into problems and see if he could find some answers to their collective problems or at least, add to the body of knowledge that could help the future generations to find answers to the problems.

According to the author, “In the course of this study, I realised that Igbo people are central to the problems and solutions of the black people. One, what we call black race or black people outside Africa is actually 60% of Igbo origin. This is because when European slave traders noticed the unique characteristics and deposition of this group, they became their focus such that over 60% of Africa slaves were Igbos.

“Therefore, to solve the problems of Africa and black race, we must solve the problem of Ndi Igbo. We have what it takes to save the entire black race, but we don’t seem to know it. So, the first thing to do since my research is about the black race is to start from Ndi Igbo to wake them up to those things that are making it difficult for them to take their place in history before I publish the book about the black race. When that time comes, Ndi Igbo will be ready to take their place and lead Africa and black people out of European economic bondage.”

Ukaegbu also notes in A Nation on the Brink that Ndigbo like to set up businesses wherever they go, because it is their nature to create wealth wherever they are welcomed, being descendants of Gad in the Holy Bible: “Gad means wealth, that’s why the whole world knows Igbos have the secret of wealth creation”.

However, he says, in the case of the present structure of Nigeria, it is now a very big problem for them, because it has made them to forget their homeland and fight over other people’s homeland, especially as the laws and economic policies of Nigeria today deny the Southeast necessary infrastructure. He sees it as a deliberate plan to pull Igbos out of their homeland, so that they can use their wealth, both human and materials to develop other parts of Nigeria, while their homeland is neglected.

The author also believes that it is impossible for the Southeast geopolitical zone to make the impact it should, as long as wealthy Igbos and their politicians think they benefit more in the present structure of Nigeria, and that is more worrisome as there is no unity of purpose and no agreed leadership system at home any more through which they can agree on any political agenda. As a result, the power at the center finds it easy to manipulate those notables and use them against any political agenda, the region might have. This situation, he said, creates an ugly situation whereby Igbo can never be politically relevant in Nigeria and will find it difficult to produce a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction, and if they do, it would be in the characters of those believed to be agents of the ruling class who would use their position to destroy Ndi Igbo or Ala Igbo the more.

A Nation on the Brink reminds us that no matter where we go and what we believe outside, we must make our homeland look like home again, because our dignity as a people depends on it and our success as a nation can only be guaranteed if we create an economy in the homeland that will work for Ndi Igbo, whether they remain part of Nigeria or not.

The author does not mince words: “It is because we have ignored our homeland for too long in pursuit of green pasture where we think that the grass is greener than it is at home, that is why Ndi Igbo are in disarray. We have built business empires everywhere in the colonial enclave of Nigeria, but have neglected our homeland. We turn forests into modern cities everywhere, but allow Ala Igbo to become derelict which has made the wise word of our fathers ‘Aku ruo ulo ‘(Invest at home) as a sad joke.”

He argues, too: “Our leadership at home has continued to fail, because our leaders left the homeland in search of contracts in Abuja and to pursue their businesses in Lagos, while our homeland is in crisis and no one seems to care about how our cultures, values and traditions are fading away. He, therefore, calls on the Igbo to pull back and rebuild their own nation as other groups have done, learn how to live in a complex country like Nigeria and yet do well as a people.

The author of this book deserves encomiums for delivering his message like a professor is giving his audience tips on how to prevent an impending calamity or proffering solution to it. He talks like a poet, a social crusader, a patriot, a visionary, a political leader, a prophet, and what have you. In fact, A Nation on the Brink is a must read for every Igbo man desirous of a handbook or companion rich contents on what every Igbo man ought to know in today’s world.

SOURCE: SUN NEWS

Kalu's Conviction - EFCC And Sanctity Of Commercial Transactions

Orji Uzor Kalu

BY SHAKA MOMODU

Since 2004 when the former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Professor Charles Soludo, carried out reforms of Nigeria's financial infrastructure, the system has grown in leaps and bounds. The reforms have dramatically transformed the banking landscape from an unfit-for-purpose financial system with 89 fragile banks that could neither support the economic transformation of the country through private sector-driven initiatives nor compete with foreign banks into (22 as of now) bigger and stronger banks. According to Soludo, "Confidence in the system was very low. All the banks put together were smaller than the fourth-largest bank in South Africa, and none of them was in the top 1,000 banks in the world. If any private sector entity needed a loan of US$500m, it had to syndicate it from all the banks put together - or go abroad."

Nigeria's total banking sector assets amounted to less than 20% of GDP at the time, and bank loans were about 4% of the country's GDP. "Talk about a private sector-led economy was simply a slogan, as there was no financial system to power that," continued Soludo. "We concluded that the system needed to be brought down and recreated from scratch... .. Nigeria had never experienced a policy revolution of that magnitude", he told Lawrie Holmes of Public Finance International in 2012.

From that pathetic pre-reform situation, the banking system has witnessed a massive turnaround to a very robust, strong, versatile system that now finances multi-billion dollar private sector projects. Dangote Group's massive expansion and growth are owed partly to capital financing by our local banks; something previously impossible pre-consolidation. Some of the banks are now so big and have gone global that anything that smells of corporate greed, incompetence or scandal can wreck the system very quickly. The revolution and evolution have been truly phenomenal.

But the gains of that consolidation that have put several Nigerian banks among the top 500 in the world are in danger of unravelling as a result of heavy-handed regulatory interference and broader considerations beyond pure business imperatives.

The agencies that investigated and are enforcing the outcome of the Orji Kalu case have hurt the dispassionate outcome of it by introducing into the enforcement process an interpretation outside the judgment of the court that goes against the grain of professional governance and regulatory administration. Indeed, the manner of enforcement of the court judgment against Kalu could easily hurt the steadily repaired reputation of Nigeria's business environment and the Ease of Doing Business. The recent interrogation of the Managing Director of Access Bank by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over a dispute concerning the conviction of the former Abia State Governor, Orji Kalu and the winding-up order against his company, Slok Holding, is yet another disturbing development in the series of misadventures by investigative authorities.

Available information seems to suggest that the defunct Diamond Bank, which merged with Access Bank last year, financed the acquisition of 3 vessels by Slok with depositors' funds amounting to $85m. The vessels, it is understood, have a long-term contract with Mobil Producing.

Last December, Orji Kalu, the principal shareholder of Slok, was convicted by a Federal High Court in Lagos of corruption and stealing of Abia State money and sentenced to 12 years in prison while his company, Slok, was ordered to be wound up and its assets forfeited to the government. The conviction was a commendable job done by the EFCC, no doubt.

But fellow Nigerians, does it make sense that the agency, which prosecuted Kalu, should now confiscate the vessels that were financed by Diamond Bank (now Access Bank by virtue of the 2019 merger)? In a real sense, are the vessels a part of the assets of Slok Holding when huge depositors' money loaned to Slok to acquire the vessels is unpaid? So when EFCC moved to take inventory of Slok's assets, the understanding is that the bank attempted to explain to the anti-corruption agency that Slok has an obligation to Access Bank, now the creditor bank and that the vessels in question do not belong to Slok or Orji Kalu. The loan obtained by Slok was secured by the vessels and the Mobil contract. One doesn't have to rack one's brain to understand the underlying structure of the transaction. It is therefore difficult to understand the insistence of the anti-corruption agency to vitiate a valid commercial contract between private sector entities. By pursuing this approach to asset recovery, the agency would, inadvertently, be creating dangerous precedence capable of discouraging private investment by both local and foreign investors.

The obvious questions are, should the EFCC have its way, who will repay the depositors' funds used to finance the acquisition of the vessels? Is this not another way of shortchanging the shareholders of the lending bank? The normal practice is that when a company is going into liquidation, all liabilities are factored in so that no one gets the short-end of the stick. What will EFCC do with the vessels? Sell them in compliance with the winding-up order and remit the money to the government when Slok's financial obligation to Access Bank has not been met? The solution would be a learning moment and a defining point in the resolution of a commercial loan involving the company of a politically exposed person.

In an opinion piece in February last year titled, 'Things Fall Apart, But is the President Aware?', a former Chairman of Stanbic IBTC, Mr. Atedo Peterside had lamented the damaging effect of the actions of regulators and law enforcement agencies on businesses/investments and stated that it was beginning to undermine business confidence with the potential of scaring away investors. He said the biggest negative of Buharinomics was allowing hard-working but sometimes overzealous law enforcement officers to go after private sector businesses in a manner that could discourage investment. "The business community then takes fright and investors flee, thereby sending the economy into a tailspin", he added.

In June 2019, the United Nations report, as published by Reuters, stated that Foreign Direct Investment into Nigeria, Africa's top oil producer plunged by as much as 43 percent to $2 billion in 2018. The report cited two significant hindrances to investment in Nigeria, namely regulatory activities and harassment by security agencies. Following the publication of that report, Peterside took to twitter to once again vent his anger on Nigerian regulators and law enforcement agencies who appear too willing to shakedown top chief executives of companies over one form of regulatory infraction or the other with the following tweet: "Nigeria's rogue regulators finally succeeded in chasing away Foreign Direct Investment, (FDI)? Ghana had more FDI in 2018 than in Nigeria. Rogue security agencies contributed also. Nigerians no longer wish to invest here either."

The blame for the huge drop in FDI and investors' apathy towards Nigeria was allegedly the result of the dispute between the government and South African telecom giant, MTN over repatriated profits. As a result, Banks HSBC and UBS both closed their representative offices in Nigeria in 2018. The situation was compounded by EFCC when it entered the political arena, accusing the HSBC of money laundering immediately the bank predicted that if President Muhammadu Buhari was returned to office, it would "stunt the economy." EFCC had, apparently, for the optics, vowed not to "rest on its oars" till all the looted funds allegedly in possession of the bank were repatriated back to Nigeria.

For those who don't know, HSBC is one of the largest banking and financial services organisations in the world. Its international network comprises around 7,500 offices in over 80 countries and territories in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, the Americas, Africa and the Middle East. Its mere presence in Nigeria was a huge confidence booster for our economy, and to have the bank exit on the altar of politics, undermined the integrity of our system. Apart from the fact that it is a correspondent bank to many of the local banks, many of our country's international transactions such as Euro bonds, are packaged jointly with it.

Again, in September 2018 after the CBN ordered Standard Chartered and three other lenders to repay $8.134bn for allegedly issuing irregular Certificates of Capital Importation on behalf of some offshore investors of MTN Nigeria Communications Limited, armed operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) stormed the headquarters of Standard Chartered Bank in Lagos during working hours, presumably to arrest Bola Adesola, the managing director of the bank in the full glare of the bank's customers who were later escorted out of the premises by EFCC operatives. It was a strange move by the anti-graft agency. The bank confirmed it then that EFCC operatives indeed entered its head office building but left shortly afterwards as there was no reason for them to be there. It is saddening that straightforward commercial disputes between regulators and business institutions which could have been resolved without any fuss with the cooperation of the latter have degenerated into a public spectacle.

The EFCC, on its part, said that it never sanctioned any raid on the headquarters of Standard Chartered Bank in Lagos, adding that the act might have been carried out by overzealous personnel. The commission noted that it's modus operandi when probing any transaction was to invite officials of financial institutions after discreet investigations and that it does not use strong-arm tactics. It added that what happened in Standard Chartered Bank was a breach "of the standard operating procedures of the commission, as it is not the style of the EFCC to openly raid the offices of banks and other financial institutions." I remain unpersuaded by EFCC's statement.

It is important to note that the investigative agency's governance framework involving private enterprises should build credibility in the legal system and protect enterprises from avoidable reputational damage. Dramatic actions of anti-graft bodies could discourage the much-needed foreign direct investments (FDIs). In recent times Nigeria's loss has benefited Ghana, which is in the midst of an oil and gas boom. With inflows of $3bn, it dethroned Nigeria and became West Africa's leading destination for foreign investment.

To reverse the migration of the much-needed FDI across the borders, the Nigerian government and its crime-fighting agencies must take the processes of institutional governance in commercial matters more seriously and protect the integrity of the financial system and the credit management process. Forfeitures should protect those that provide loanable funds. The recent EFCC/Slok/Access Bank dispute could erode business confidence and stall the inflow of foreign investment capital into the economy. Rather than insist on seizing Slok's contracted vessels and auctioning them off to third parties, EFCC should follow not only the letter but also, the spirit of the law. Open and frank discussions should commence with Access Bank towards finding an amicable solution to the matter in such a way that no party gets the short-end of the stick.

The Slok incident should serve as a learning moment for all parties and provide useful takeaways that will serve as a basis for due governance processes in future. For sure, the local and international business community is keenly watching as events unfold and would be deeply interested in how the tango ends. I'm watching with keen interest to see whether depositors' funds will be protected.

SOURCE: THIS DAY

There's No Justice In The Supreme Court Of Nigeria

BY OBI NWAKANMA

For months now, I have been in a fog. As a newspaper columnist I came to the rather inevitable conclusion that Nigeria is really not worth the waste of weekly saliva. There was not much else to say. One was repeating oneself, and there was this sense of ennui, or more accurately, I’ve felt like Sisyphus rolling the rock up and down the ledge.

Nothing will change in Nigeria. Nothing can change until this generation dies off, and a new consciousness dawns on the following generation. I resolved to stay away, keep my peace, and keep my sanity. But this is not to be, because every day, something new comes out Nigeria. The Buhari era is our dark ages. 

We have witnessed corruption before. But nothing on the scale of the current moment. This regime has corrupted everything, including the most sacred institution that kept the madness at bay in Nigeria: the judiciary. Okay, the process was a slow burn. But the courts often provided the lone, independent voice that, when the occasion arose, put a stop to the excess of the state even in the most difficult years of military tyranny.

They say Sani Abacha was mad. But even in his so-called insanity, Abacha never tampered with the judicial branch. It took a mad Nero – in the form of the current president, Muhamadu Buhari, to slash and burn everything: the institutional framework that kept Nigeria on the balance, and made it possible to contain the fissiparous forces intent on dismantling it. Buhari and his party, the APC, are not playing for ducks. In fact, they are not playing at all. They have devised a brutal agenda to create a one-party state, framed within an extremist ideological move that will either leave Nigeria charred, or prostate. 

The plot is unfolding right before our very eyes, and it is a plan that takes for granted that Nigerians have been reduced through strategic impoverishment to docility. And that is the dangerous point about Buhari’s faith and method: all power in his view belongs to God, and his God gives power to whom he pleases, namely, Buhari. This is of course very false. It is the product of a feudal mindset, promoted by self-regarding potentates. But it is a mindset spawn of a religious and cultural agenda.

Under the ethos of republicanism, God has no business with power. God does not anoint rulers. God especially has no voting card in Nigeria, and is, therefore, not registered to vote, or influence the outcome of voting. Power belongs to the people. It is the axiom of enlightened politics: “power to the people!” Perhaps through the people, God exercises His mandate, because once they gather as one, the people become deity. It is why the Bible says, “where two or more are gathered in my name, there I am.” The collective will of the people is the will of God. Not the other way round. And that is why we came to inherit that other sagely truth, “Vox Populi, Vox Dei” first uttered by the poet and teacher, Flaccus Albinus Alcuinus, also known as Alcuin of York. 

And that will is what the Supreme Court of Nigeria, under the current chief justice upturned when they embezzled justice and handed the governorship of Imo State on Monday to Hope Uzodinma from the duly elected Governor, Emeka Ihedioha. It was a shocking and brazen judicial robbery! It was injustice emanating from the highest court of the land. It was a coup d’état staged from the high Bench! And it has left Nigeria reeling. 

There are a number of dramatis personae in this high drama. It is actually badly written drama because the outcome as well as the characters are rather flat and obvious. First is the Reverend Ejike Mbaka, a Catholic priest, whose day job has become muddled with the work of “Seer.” A week to the judgment, Mbaka “prophesied” that Ihedioha will be removed and Uzodinma will replace him as governor. Well, his prophesy came to pass. But folks know that this man is a ventriloquist used by the ruling party to test and soften the ground. 

There are of course many who are seduced by his falsehood, and woe to him who misleads the sheep and who come as lamb in the clothes of the wolf. But there is also Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad, and the six justices, who in a “unanimous decision” disenfranchised the entire voters of Imo State. In doing that, they set a very dangerous precedent, and this is that justice at the Supreme Court of Nigeria is no longer to be trusted. 

Fellow Nigerians think: this was the Supreme Court of the Adetokunbo Ademolas, Danley Alexanders, the Atanda Fatai Williams, the Sowemimos, the Bellos and the court of Uwais. It was a court where brilliant justices sat – J. I. Conrad Taylor, Akunne Oputa, Akinola Aguda, Kayode Esho, Daddy Onyeama, Louis Nwachukwu Mbanefo, Taslim Elias, Egbert Udo Udoma, Augustine Nnamani, Okay Achike – so many whose distinctions first as scholars and as philosophers of the court left a tradition of juridical sanctity that sustained the integrity of the highest bench in Nigeria.

 Through those years, Nigerians trusted that whatever happens, once a matter came to the constitutional court of the republic, justice at least could still be seen to be done. Thoughtful, honourable, and learned men sat on that bench. They embodied the sobriety of justice. Then it all changed. Buhari came. First, he went after the most independent minded judges of the Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court, and tried to blackmail them with the EFCC. 

He sent armed men in the dead of night to rouse Supreme Court justices, handcuff them, and threw them in jail on false charges of corruption. The public uproar stopped him for a moment. Then he went for the jugular of the man who stood between him and the independence of the judiciary for a moment: Justice Walter Nkanu Onoghen. The story is familiar to many. He refused to appoint Justice Onoghen as the substantive Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and left him acting, while he was at it. But in his absence, during one of his near-death misses that took him to medical vacation in London, the vice-president, then acting as president, sent Onoghen’s name to the Senate, and he was promptly confirmed chief justice. Buhari would have none of it. 

Using the attorney general, they used some faceless petitioners, and a blackleg, in the form of my old university pal, Okoi Ofem Okoi, who clearly had an old ax to grind with Onoghen, and charged him with corruption, and false declaration of assets. Fellow Nigerians, you are all witnesses that Buhari himself has not declared his own assets, real or false. Yet, Onoghen who declared his asset was falsely accused, and forced to resign by Buhari, who engineered it all, and appointed Tanko Muhammad as Chief Justice. Now, there is something about Tanko Muhammad. He is not a real judge. He is a Sharia judge. That is his specialty. He did not go to a prestigious Law school. 

He is not Muhammad Bello, for instance, who first studied Classics in Ibadan, before going shortly to London, where he was admitted to Gray’s Inn. Tanko Muhammad studied Law at Bayero University, Kano, in those years, when all it took to get admitted to Bayero if you were a Tanko, was a promisory note. Serious men did not go to Bayero. If you really wanted to study Law, you went to Nsukka, or Jos, maybe Ife, Lagos, Benin, Calabar, or even ABU. But here we are. 

This president has violated the sanctity of the Nigerian judiciary by his attack on it. 

He did so by imposing Justice Tanko Muhammad on it. And the result is what we now see: a court which overwhelmingly makes legal pronouncements on justice which a sophomore Law clinic in a decent university will find elementary. A temple of injustice. 

How could the Supreme Court of Nigeria commit such a brazen electoral fraud? How could these judges in clear conscience hand the governorship of Imo State to Hope Uzodinma, who came fourth in the polls; whose party has not a single member elected to parliament, and whose only argument is that some fraudulent numbers were not added to his poll numbers, if it were not driven by a partisan impetus? The Supreme Court has become the judicial arm of the APC and the CJN, the poodle of the presidency. 

It is a judgment that brazenly overturned the democratic rights of the citizens of Imo State. It is a stolen mandate. More than anything ever done before, it has subverted the integrity of the judiciary. This is the most corrupt judgment ever made in that court. We are back to Western Nigeria of December 1965: a stolen election which led to the coup and counter coup of 1966. It is a crying shame that Buhari and his party learnt nothing from history, and seem intent on forcing reactions that will give this president the excuse to declare a state of emergency in the Eastern heartland. He might just have his wishes more than fulfilled. 

The PDP must, however, act, organize, and force a review of this judicial fraud. It should not just talk and make empty declarations. It must walk the walk as a serious party whose mandate has been brazenly hijacked by a partisan court.

LG Elections Holds April 25 In Ebonyi

Governor of Ebonyi State David Umahi.

BY MBAM OGODO

ABAKALIKI (TNV)--The Ebonyi State Independent Electoral Commission (EBSIEC) said elections into the 13 substantive local Government Areas of the state will hold on Saturday, 25th April 2020.

The notice which was signed by the Commission's Chairman, Jossy Eze and Secretary, Chukwuemeka Oji said the election will hold in all the the 1758 local wards in the state

According to the notice, nomination papers are to be delivered to the Commission's headquarters in Abakaliki.

The statement disclosed that the process was pursuant to the provisions of the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) as well as the Ebonyi State Independent Electoral Commission Law, 2001, (as amended).

The current Chairmen of the council were sworn in on the May 29 2013 after the election which was conducted in April we year.

In that election the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in the state won in all the local government areas and 1785 local wards in the state.

It will be recalled that the State House of Assembly had last year reduced the tenure of the Council Leadership from three to two years

It is expected that the change will take effect from the next Executives to be elected in the forthcoming election.

SOURCE: THE NIGERIAN VOICE